Introduction
We live in exceptional times. The financial panic in the USA is creating waves that are threatening to engulf the whole world. This is rapidly transforming the consciousness of millions.
What has happened to financial markets in recent months is without precedent in the history of recent times. The same bourgeois economists who previously denied the possibility of a slump are now talking about the most serious crisis for sixty years. Alan Greenspan, former chairman of the US Federal Reserve, has described the current financial crisis as "probably a once-in-a-century event".
They actually mean 79 years, since there was no crisis at all in 1948. But economists are superstitious people and are afraid to mention 1929, just as the ancient Israelites were afraid to mention the name of their god, in case something unpleasant were to occur. They are all worried about confidence in the markets, since they all fervently believe that it is confidence (or the lack of it) that is the real cause of booms and slumps. In reality, however, booms and slumps are rooted in objective conditions. The rise and fall of confidence reflects actual conditions, although it can then itself become part of these conditions, helping to drive the market up - or, as in this case, down.
In the last few months AIG, Bear Stearns, Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, Lehman Brothers and Merrill Lynch, companies that were thought to be too big to fail, have all either filed for bankruptcy, been "bailed out" by the government, or been nationalized. As the seriousness of the economic crisis begins to dawn on people, a mood is being prepared in society the like of which has not been seen for many years. This morning (September 26) came the news of the collapse yet another US bank, Washington Mutual, which was closed by the US government. This was by far the largest failure of an American bank, and its banking assets were sold to J. P. Morgan Chase for $1.9bn (£1bn). This is the financial equivalent of a devastating Tsunami, and it is not yet over.
The estimates of the economists are constantly being revised downwards. Six months ago the International Monetary Fund estimated more than $1,000bn (€691bn, £546bn) in financial sector losses and predicted a sharp slowdown in the global economy. Most economists criticized this for being too pessimistic. Now they are singing a different
The price of oil has acquired a feverish character, with wild swings up and down. As the dollar fell, stocks tumbled and the price of oil jumped again after the previous steep fall. A 17 per cent increase on Monday, September 22, was the biggest daily price rise ever, and larger even than during the invasion of Iraq . By Tuesday the oil price had dropped again by $3 to $106 a barrel and there are good reasons to expect energy prices to continue falling. These violent swings undoubtedly reflect, on the one hand the movement of the dollar, on the other, the activity of those involved in commodity speculation. Until recently, the capitalists speculated in the housing market. When that collapsed, they looked for other fields to exploit, anything else that seemed likely to be profitable: oil, works of art, food. Despite all the complaints and demands for regulation, this speculation cannot be controlled. It is like a hydra: once you cut off one head, another dozen heads appear.
As a result of the economic and social convulsions, many people are beginning to question the nature of an economic system that could produce such abominations. When the capitalist state itself is compelled to nationalize financial institutions, the idea will gradually become generalized: why do we need private bankers and capitalists at all? For this reason, the politicians avoid the word nationalization as the devil avoids holy water. At all costs they seek to find ways in which the state can provide capital to banks in ways that do not imply nationalization. They struggle to invent forms of capital that leave ownership and control in private hands. But in the end, they are compelled against their will to take over the ailing banks to prevent them from collapsing. This is a damning indictment of private ownership of a key sector of the economy.
Although it would appear a paradox, it is no coincidence that the country where politicians are shouting most loudly against the sins of the market and the greed of the financiers is precisely the United States . The land of free enterprise, the country where the psychology of capitalism has sunk its deepest roots in the population, is the land where there is probably the sharpest reaction against Big Business. This fact is reflected in the speeches of the politicians, notably the candidates in the Presidential election. And the Republican candidate is even more vocal in his rhetoric than the Democrat. This is because he would like to win. McCain sees that there is a backlash against the exorbitant pay in the boardrooms of big corporations and the scandalous speculation on Wall Street and he says what most people want to hear.
Is it not grotesque that bosses at defunct Bear Stearns were amassing fortunes while pursuing reckless business strategies that led to the collapse? And why should the American taxpayers, most of who are not well off, foot the bill for $700 billion to bail out the big financial institutions? As of September 30, 2007 the federal government was in a $53,000bn dollar fiscal hole, equal to $455,000 per household and $175,000 per person. This burden is rising every year by $6,600-$9,900 per American. Medicare represents $34,000bn of this deficit and the related Medicare trust fund is set to run out of money within 10 years. The Social Security program is projected to have negative cash flow within about 10 years. Whoever wins the presidential election and whoever controls Congress will have to preside over deep cuts in living standards? The same capitalists who have taken billions from the government and the Federal Reserve are demanding tough budget controls, cuts in federal spending, a comprehensive reform (read reduction) of entitlement to healthcare.
Whatever they do now will be wrong. If they sign the deal, they will earn the hatred of millions of ordinary Americans. One woman, interviewed last night on British television, when asked what she thought of the proposed bail-out, answered bitterly: "I have just come off an eleven hour shift and I work 60 hours a week. Now they want to take $2,300 off my pay to give to the bankers!" This must be typical of the attitude of millions of ordinary people in the USA . But if they refuse to sign, it will cause further sharp falls on the stock markets in the USA , posing the threat of a complete collapse on the lines of 1929. In other words, they are caught between a rock and a very hard place.
The bourgeoisie suffers from periodic bouts of manic depression, passing rapidly from extreme optimism to the depths of despair. On both sides of the Atlantic , where previously there was "irrational exuberance", now there is gloom and doom. It was ever thus: the bourgeoisie always sways between the two extremes of manic depression. One minute the party is in full swing and vast fortunes are being made; the next, the whole thing is deflated and misery abounds. When the collapse finally arrives it is like the morning after a wild party. The night before, people were happily inebriated with not a care in the world. Now, in the cold light of morning it is a very different story. Men and women are painfully aware of the excesses of the night before. They solemnly swear that they will never touch strong drink again, and they are quite sincere - until the next party.
"The Great Depression began less than 80 years ago but, then again, we are in a different century. Whether or not this will be the worst such upheaval the world has to face between now and 2099, the fact that nothing as bad as the Depression occurred between the 1930s and now is in itself remarkable." This comment is interesting on two counts: the same people who for years have been denying that there was any possibility of a repeat of 1929 and the Great Depression now, without blinking an eyelid, say that it is not only possible, but that it is remarkable that it has not happened - yet.
The fall in prices during a crisis merely balances out their earlier inflation. In that sense one can speak of a "correction". However, we pointed out long ago how the bourgeois economists have repeatedly changed the terminology describing an economic slump in order to make it appear less serious than it is. At one time they used the word panic, then slump, then depression, then recession, until now they have finally arrived at correction. After all, if we accept the miraculous healing powers of the market, which by art of magic regulates itself without any conscious human involvement, how can we object to the market "correcting" itself?
Our epoch is the epoch of monopoly capitalism. One of the features of this is the complete domination of finance capital. This domination has gone further in the USA and Britain than in any other major country. Britain , the former workshop of the world, has become transformed into a parasitic rentier economy, which produces very little and is dominated by finance and services. Up until recently this was presented as something positive, which would protect Britain against the turbulence of the world economy. But the opposite is the case. By slavishly following the American model, Britain is being dragged towards recession following the USA and will most likely be the worst affected. Like a parasitic worm, growing fat at the expense of the rest of the host organism, the financial sector has grown too large relative to the economy, sapping its strength and threatening to undermine it entirely.
Birth of the crisis in the form of time line & events
Defined as "a severe shortage of money or credit", the start of the phenomenon has been pinpointed as 9 August 2007 when bad news from French bank BNP Paribas triggered sharp rise in the cost of credit, and made the financial world realise how serious the situation was.
The problems, however, started much earlier.
GROWING SUB-PRIME PROBLEMS
After a two year period between 2004 and 2006 when US interest rates rose from 1% to 5.35%, the US housing market begins to suffer, with prices falling and a rise in homeowners defaulting on their mortgages. Default rates on sub-prime loans - high risk loans to clients with poor or no credit histories - rise to record levels.
APRIL-AUGUST 2007: SUB-PRIME CONTAGION
April
New Century Financial, which specialises in sub-prime mortgages, files for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection and cuts half of its workforce.
As it sold on many of its debts to other banks, the collapse in the sub-prime market begins to have an impact at banks around the world.
July
Investment bank Bear Stearns tells investors they will get little, if any, of the money invested in two of its hedge funds after rival banks refuse to help it bail them out.
Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke follows the news with a warning that the US sub-prime crisis could cost up to $100bn (£50bn).
AUGUST 2007: SCALE OF THE CREDIT CRISIS EMERGES
9 August 2007
Investment bank BNP Paribas tells investors they will not be able to take money out of two of its funds because it cannot value the assets in them, owing to a "complete evaporation of liquidity" in the market. It is the clearest sign yet that banks are refusing to do business with each other.
The European Central Bank pumps 95bn euros (£63bn) into the banking market to try to improve liquidity. It adds a further 108.7bn euros over the next few days. The US Federal Reserve, the Bank of Canada and the Bank of Japan also begin to intervene.
17 August
The Fed cuts the rate at which it lends to banks by half of a percentage point to 5.75%, warning the credit crunch could be a risk to economic growth.
21 August
28 August
German regional bank Sachsen Landesbank faces collapse after investing in the sub-prime market; it is sold to larger rival Landesbank Baden-Wuerttemberg.
SEPTEMBER 2007: A RUN ON A BANK
3 September
German corporate lender IKB announces a $1bn loss on investments linked to the US sub-prime market.
4 September
The rate at which banks lend to each other rises to its highest level since December 1998.
The so-called Libor rate is 6.7975%, way above the Bank of England's 5.75% base rate; banks either worry whether other banks will survive, or urgently need the money themselves.
13 September
The BBC reveals Northern Rock has asked for and been granted emergency financial support from the Bank of England, in the latter's role as lender of last resort. Northern Rock relied heavily on the markets, rather than savers' deposits, to fund its mortgage lending. The onset of the credit crunch has dried up its funding.
A day later depositors withdraw £1bn in what is the biggest run on a British bank for more than a century. They continue to take out their money until the government steps in to guarantee their savings.
18 September
The US Federal Reserve cuts its main interest rate by half a percentage point to 4.75%.
19 September
After previously refusing to inject any funding into the markets, the Bank of England announces that it will auction £10bn.
OCTOBER 2007: MAJOR LOSSES BEGIN TO EMERGE
1 October
Swiss bank UBS is the world's first top-flight bank to announce losses - $3.4bn - from sub-prime related investments. The chairman and chief executive of the bank step down. Later, banking giant Citigroup unveils a sub-prime related loss of $3.1bn. A fortnight on Citigroup is forced to write down a further $5.9bn. Within six months, its stated losses amount to $40bn.
30 October
Merrill Lynch's chief resigns after the investment bank unveils a $7.9bn exposure to bad debt.
NOVEMBER 2007: UK HOUSING MARKET 'TURNS DOWN'
29 November
The Bank of England reveals the number of mortgage approvals has fallen to a near three-year low.
30 November
The Council for Mortgage Lenders (CML) issues the starkest warning yet of the impact of the credit crunch on the mortgage market, saying that without more funding available on financial markets, mortgage lenders will not be able to offer as many mortgages.
DECEMBER 2007: HELP IS AT HAND
6 December
13 December
The US Federal Reserve co-ordinates an unprecedented action by five leading central banks around the world to offer billions of dollars in loans to banks. The Bank of England calls it an attempt to "forestall any prospective sharp tightening of credit conditions". The move succeeds in temporarily lowering the rate at which banks lend to each other.
17 December
The central banks continue to make more funding available.
There is a $20bn auction from the US Federal Reserve and, the following day, $500bn from the European Central Bank to help commercial banks over the Christmas period.
NEXT UP: THE BOND INSURERS
19 December
Ratings agency Standard and Poor's downgrades its investment rating of a number of so-called monoline insurers, which specialise in insuring bonds. They guarantee to repay the loans if the issuer goes bust. There is concern that insurers will not be able to pay out, forcing banks to announce another big round of losses.
9 January 2008
The World Bank predicts that global economic growth will slow in 2008, as the credit crunch hits the richest nations.
18 January
A rush to withdraw money from its commercial property funds forces Scottish Equitable to introduce delays of up to 12 months for investors wanting to take their money out.
It blames the rush of withdrawals on concerns about the US sub-prime mortgage collapse, recession worries and interest rates.
21 January
Global stock markets, including London 's FTSE 100 index, suffer their biggest falls since 11 September 2001.
22 January
The US Fed cuts rates by three quarters of a percentage point to 3.5% - its biggest cut in 25 years - to try and prevent the economy from slumping into recession. It is the first emergency cut in rates since 2001. Stock markets around the world recover the previous day's heavy losses.
31 January
A major bond insurer MBIA, announces a loss of $2.3bn - its biggest to date for a three-month period -blaming its exposure to the US sub-prime mortgage crisis.
FEBRUARY - MARCH 2008: BIG NAME CASUALTIES
7 February
US Federal Reserve boss Ben Bernanke adds his voice to concerns about monoline insurers, saying he is closely monitoring developments "given the adverse effects that problems of financial guarantors can have on financial markets and the economy". The Bank of England cuts interest rates by a quarter of one percent to 5.25%.
8 February
In the UK , the latest CML figures show the number of homes repossessed in the UK rose to 27,100 in 2007, its highest level since 1999.
10 February
Leaders from the G7 group of industrialised nations say worldwide losses stemming from the collapse of the US sub-prime mortgage market could reach $400bn.
17 February
After considering a number of private sector rescue proposals, including from Richard Branson's Virgin Group, the government announces that struggling Northern Rock is to be nationalised for a temporary period.
7 March
In its biggest intervention yet, the Federal Reserve makes $200bn of funds available to banks and other institutions to try to improve liquidity in the markets.
17 March
Wall Street's fifth-largest bank, Bear Stearns, is acquired by larger rival JP Morgan Chase for $240m in a deal backed by $30bn of central bank loans.
A year earlier, Bear Stearns had been worth £18bn.
28 March
Nationwide predicts UK house prices will fall by the end of the year, revising its previous forecast of no change in prices.
APRIL 2008: THE 100% MORTGAGE IS CONSIGNED TO HISTORY
2 April
Moneyfacts, which monitors financial products, says 20% of mortgage products have been withdrawn from the UK market in the previous seven days. Five days later the 100% mortgage disappears when Abbey withdraws the last home loan available without a deposit.
8 April
The International Monetary Fund (IMF), which oversees the global economy, warns that potential losses from the credit crunch could reach $1 trillion and may be even higher. It says the effects are spreading from sub-prime mortgage assets to other sectors, such as commercial property, consumer credit, and company debt.
10 April
The Bank of England cuts interest rates by a quarter of one percent to 5%.
11 April
A warning is issued by the CML that the amount of funding available for mortgages in the UK could be cut in half this year. It calls on the Bank of England to kick-start the money markets and eases the effects of the credit crunch.
15 April
Confidence in the UK housing market falls to its lowest point in 30 years in March, according to the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors, because of the "unique liquidity blight".
But it does add that the situation is good news for buyers with large deposits who can buy property that was previously out of reach.
21 April
The Bank of England announces details of an ambitious £50bn plan designed to help credit-squeezed banks by allowing them to swap potentially risky mortgage debts for secure government bonds.
APRIL - JUNE 2008: BANKS PASS ROUND THE HAT
22 April
Royal Bank of Scotland announces a plan to raise money from its shareholders with a £12bn rights issue - the biggest in UK corporate history. The firm also announces a write-down of £5.9bn on the value of its investments between April and June - the largest write-off yet for a British bank.
25 April
Persimmon becomes the first UK house builder to announce major cutbacks, citing the lack of affordable mortgages and a fall in consumer confidence. It adds sales have fallen by a quarter since the beginning of the year.
29 April
The CML says the number of new mortgages approved in March slipped 44% to 64, the lowest monthly number since records began in 1999.
30 April
The first annual fall in house prices for 12 years is recorded by Nationwide. Prices were 1% lower in April compared to a year earlier after a "steep decline" in home buying over the previous six months. Later in the week, figures from the UK 's biggest lender Halifax, show a 0.9% annual fall for April.
2 May
More than 850 companies went into administration between January and March, government figures show, a rise of 54% on the previous year. Retail and construction firms are hardest hit.
22 May
Swiss bank UBS, one of the worst affected by the credit crunch, launches a $15.5bn rights issue to cover some of the $37bn it lost on assets linked to US mortgage debt.
19 June
There are significant developments in two major credit crunch-related investigations in the US , which it is hoped will restore confidence in the credit markets. The FBI arrests 406 people, including brokers and housing developers, as part of a crackdown on alleged mortgage frauds worth $1bn. Separately, two former Bear Stearns workers face criminal charges related to the collapse of two hedge funds linked to sub-prime mortgages. It is alleged they knew of the funds' problems but did not disclose them to investors, who lost a total of $1.4bn.
25 June
Barclays announces plans to raise £4.5bn in a share issue to bolster its balance sheet.
The Qatar Investment Authority, the state-owned investment arm of the Gulf state, will invest £1.7bn in the British bank, giving it a 7.7% share in the business. A number of other foreign investors increase their existing holdings.
JULY 2008: MAJOR LENDERS ON THE EDGE
8 July
The gloomy findings of a survey of its members prompt the British Chambers of Commerce (BCC) to suggest that the UK is facing a serious risk of recession within months. Meanwhile, the FTSE 100 stock index briefly dips into a "bear market", in which the market suffers a 20% fall from its recent highs.
13 July
US mortgage lender IndyMac collapses - the second-biggest bank in US history to fail.
14 July
Financial authorities step in to assist America's two largest lenders, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. As owners or guarantors of $5 trillion worth of home loans, they are crucial to the US housing market and authorities agree they could not be allowed to fail. The previous week, there had been a panic amongst investors that they might collapse, causing their share prices to plummet.
21 July
Just 8% of HBOS investors agree to take up the new shares offered in its £4bn rights issue, because they are priced higher than existing shares are trading on the stock market. But HBOS still gets the £4bn it wanted, as the unsold new shares are bought by the issue's underwriters.
31 July
AUGUST - SEPTEMBER 2008: GIANTS SUFFER
4 August
Global banking giant HSBC warned that conditions in financial markets are at their toughest "for several decades" after suffering a 28% fall in half-year profits. Of Europe's top banks, HSBC has among the heaviest exposure to the troubled US housing and credit markets.
22 August
The bad news continues with revised figures from the ONS revealing that the UK economy is a standstill.
28 August
Nationwide reveals that UK house prices have fallen by 10.5% in a year.
A day later Bradford and Bingley posts losses of £26.7m for the first half of 2008, blaming surging mortgage arrears for a rise in impairment.
Looking ahead, it warned it expected arrears to remain at high levels for the rest of the year.
30 August
Chancellor Alistair Darling warns that the economy is facing its worst crisis for 60 years in an interview with the Guardian newspaper, saying the current downturn would be more "profound and long-lasting" than most had feared.
1 September
Official figures from the Bank of England show a slump in approved mortgages for July.
Meanwhile, while the pound falls to record lows of 81.21 pence against the euro and two-year lows of $1.80.
2 September
In an effort to kick-start the UK housing market the Treasury announces a one year rise in stamp duty exemption, from £125,000 to £175,000. But there is more bad news, as the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development forecasts that the UK will be in a full blown recession by the end of the next two quarters. A day later the European central bank cuts growth forecast 2009 to 1.2% from 1.5%.
4 September
The Bank of England leaves rates on hold at 5% while the latest figures from the Halifax show that house prices in England and Wales continue to fall.
5 September
A raft of negative news from around the world sees the FTSE notch up its steepest weekly decline since July 2002. The US labour market figures - which showed the unemployment rate rising to 6.1% - were a further jolt to investors who have had to swallow a slew of poor economic data in recent days.
6 September
The Halifax warns that the impact of the credit crunch will be felt well into 2010. Chief executive Andy Hornby explains that British banks will continue to suffer major problems in offering loans until they can raise significant sums on wholesale markets, something that will not be possible until US house prices recover.
7 September
Mortgage lenders Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac - which account for nearly half of the outstanding mortgages in the US - are rescued by the US government in one of the largest bailouts in US history. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson says the two firms' debt levels posed a "systemic risk" to financial stability and that, without action, the situation would get worse. At the same time, in the UK , the Nationwide announces it will merge with two smaller rivals, the Derbyshire and Cheshire Building Societies.
9 September
More bad news emerges for the UK economy as the ONS reveals manufacturing output fell by 0.2% between June and July, raising a real fear of recession. Meanwhile, the British Retail Consortium reports UK retail sales values fell by 1.0% on a like-for-like basis from August 2007. On the housing front, there were more negative headlines with the Royal Institute of Chartered Surveyors published figures showing house sales were at their lowest level for 30 years, while the CML reported that the number of first-time buyers has hit its lowest level since its survey began in January 2002.
10 September
Wall Street bank Lehman Brothers posts a loss of $3.9bn for the three months to August.
The announcement comes against a background of further dire economic warnings from the European Commission, which warned that the UK, Germany and Spain will go into recession by the end of the year.
15 September
After days of searching frantically for a buyer, Lehman Brothers files for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection, becoming the first major bank to collapse since the start of the credit crisis. Former Federal Reserve chief Alan Greenspan dubs failure as "probably a once in a century type of event" and warns that other major firms will also go bust. Meanwhile fellow US bank Merrill Lynch, also stung by the credit crunch, agreed to be taken over by Bank of America for $50bn, the latest twist in a dramatic turn of events on Wall Street.
16 September
The US Federal Reserve announces an $85bn rescue package for AIG, the country's biggest insurance company, to save it from bankruptcy. AIG gets the loan in return for an 80% public stake in the firm.
17 September
25 September
In the largest bank failure yet in the United States , Washington Mutual, the giant mortgage lender which had assets valued at $307bn is closed down by regulators and sold to its JPMorgan Chase.
The group was hit by mortgage defaults the collapse of the US housing market after its expansion into sub-prime lending.
28 September
The credit crunch hits Europe 's banking sector as the European banking and insurance giant Fortis is partly nationalised to ensure its survival. It is seen as too big a European bank to be allowed to go under. Authorities in the Netherlands , Belgium and Luxembourg agree to pour in 11.2bn euros ($16.1bn; £8.9bn). Fortis' share price has fallen sharply amid concerns about its debts. In the US lawmakers announce they have reached a bipartisan agreement on a rescue plan for the American financial system. The package, to be approved by Congress, allows the Treasury to spend up to $700bn buying bad debts from ailing banks. It will be the biggest intervention in the markets since the Great Depression of the 1930s.
29 September
In Britain the mortgage lender Bradford & Bingley is nationalised. The British government takes control of the bank's £50bn mortgages and loans, while its savings operations and branches are sold to Spain 's Santander . The Icelandic government takes control of the country's third-largest bank Glitnir after the company had faced short-term funding problems.
Wachovia, the fourth-largest US bank, is bought by its larger rival Citigroup in a rescue deal backed by the US authorities. Under the deal, Citigroup will absorb up to $42bn of Wachovia losses. The US House of Representatives rejects a $700bn rescue plan for the US financial system - sending shockwaves around the world.
It opens up new uncertainties about how banks will deal with their exposure to toxic loans and how credit markets can begin to operate more normally. Wall Street shares plunge, with the Dow Jones index slumping 7% or 770 points, a record one-day point fall.
30 September
Dexia becomes the latest European bank to be bailed out as the deepening credit crisis continues to shake the banking sector. After all-night talks the Belgian, French and Luxembourg governments said they would put in 6.4bn euros ($9bn; £5bn) to keep it afloat.
Separately, the Irish government says it will guarantee all deposits in the country's main banks for two years. In the UK , Prime Minister Gordon Brown says the government is planning to raise the limit on guaranteed bank deposits from £35,000 to £50,000.
OCTOBER-NOVEMBER 2008: THE FIGHTBACK
1 October
Stock markets stabilise ahead of a vote in the Senate, which eventually approves an amended $700bn financial rescue bill. Market confidence that Lloyds TSB's takeover of HBOS will not be derailed by stock market volatility sees HBOS shares rise 20%.
A report says that French Finance Finister Christine Lagarde calls for an emergency EU bail-out fund for banks threatened with failure. The EU says it is looking at whether Ireland 's full guarantee of saving deposits is anti-competitive.
3 October
The US House of Representatives passes a $700bn (£394bn) government plan to rescue the US financial sector.
The 263-171 vote was the second in a week, following its shock rejection of an earlier version on Monday. The UK 's City watchdog, the Financial Services Authority (FSA) raises the limit of the amount of deposits that are guaranteed should a bank go bust to £50,000.
6 October
The deal to save Hypo Real Estate, reached with private banks, is worth 15bn euros more than the first rescue attempt, which fell apart a day earlier. World stock markets react badly to the ongoing turmoil. The German government says it will not pass new legislation to provide extra protection for savers. Chancellor Angela Merkel had earlier said that no German savers would lose any money. But it emerges that this was a was a political pledge, rather than one which would see it change laws on banking deposits. However Denmark had already responded by giving a 100% guarantee on savings, while Sweden increased its protection levels. Iceland announces part of a plan to hammer out a financial package to shore up its troubled banking sector. The country's largest banks agree to sell off some of their foreign assets and bring them home.
7 October
The Icelandic government takes control of Landsbanki, the country's second largest bank, which owns Icesave in the UK .
8 October
10 October
Amid widespread fears of a global recession, Asian, European and US markets continue falling, despite central banks' rate cuts and cash injections.
11 October
Finance ministers from leading industrialised nations pledge action to tackle the financial crisis. The G7 nations issue a five-point plan of "decisive action" to unfreeze credit markets, after a meeting in Washington .
13 October
The UK government announces plans to pump billions of pounds of taxpayers' money into three UK banks in one of the UK's biggest nationalisations. Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS), Lloyds TSB and HBOS will have a total of £37bn injected into them.
14 October
The US government unveils a $250bn (£143bn) plan to purchase stakes in a wide variety of banks in an effort to restore confidence in the sector. President George W Bush says the move will help to return stability to the US banking sector and ultimately help preserve free markets.
15 October
The number of people out of work in the UK soared in the three months to August by 164,000 compared to the previous quarter, the biggest rise for 17 years, official figures show. Figures for US retail sales in September show a fall of 1.2%, the biggest monthly decline in more than three years, as hard-up consumers avoided the shops. The figures underscore fears that the wider US economy is now being hit by the financial crisis. The Dow Jones index falls 733 points or 7.87% - its biggest percentage fall since 26 October 1987.
17 October
French savings bank Caisse d'Epargne announces a loss of 600m euros (£466m) in a "trading incident" which the bank said was triggered by what it called "extreme market volatility" amid the market crash during the week of 6 October.
19 October
20 October
24 October
In Denmark , the central bank raises its key interest rate by 0.5 percentage points to 5.5%.
The UK is on the brink of a recession according to figures released by the Office for National Statistics. The economy shrank for the first time in 16 years between July and September, as economic growth fell by 0.5%.
28 October
30 October
The Federal Reserve cuts its key interest rate from 1.5% to 1% in a widely expected move, as it aims to avoid a possible US recession. The Commerce Department issues figures showing the US economy shrank at an annualised rate of 0.3% between July and September.
3 November
French bank Societe Generale sees net profit slump by 84% in the third quarter, hit by the credit crisis. Net profits in the three months to the end of September fell to 183m euros ($235m; £145m) from 1.12bn euros in the same period a year before.
6 November
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) approves $16.4bn Ukraine loan to bolster its economy, shaken by global financial turmoil. The Bank of England slashes interest rates unexpectedly from 4.5% to 3% - the lowest level since 1955. The European Central Bank lowers eurozone rates to 3.25% from 3.75% in an attempt to prevent a recession.
9 November
12 November
US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson says the government abandoned plans to use some of the $700bn bail-out money to buy up banks' bad debts and decided instead to concentrate on improving the flow of credit for the US consumer.
14 November
The eurozone officially slips into recession after EU figures show that the economy shrank by 0.2% in the third quarter. Leaders of the G20 developed and emerging economies gather in Washington to discuss ways to contain the financial crisis and agree on longer-term reforms.
17 November
Two separate studies put the US economy firmly "in recession" after preliminary data shows GDP contracted 0.3% in the third quarter.
20 November
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) approves a $2.1bn (£1.4bn) loan for Iceland, after the country's banking system collapsed in October. It is the first IMF loan for a Western European nation since 1976.
23 November
The US government announces a $20bn (£13.4bn) rescue plan for troubled banking giant Citigroup after its shares plunge by more than 60% in a week.
24 November
The UK government announces a temporary cut in the level of VAT - to 15% from 17.5% - in its pre-Budget report. Chancellor Alistair Darling also says government borrowing will rise to record levels, but defends the move as essential to save the UK from a deep and long-lasting recession.
25 November
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) approves a $7.6bn (£5.1bn) loan for Pakistan to shore up the country's economy. Pakistan needs the money in order to avoid defaulting on international debt. The US Federal Reserve announces it will inject another $800bn into the economy in a further effort to stabilise the financial system and encourage lending. About $600bn will be used to buy up mortgage-backed securities while $200bn is being targeted at unfreezing the consumer credit market.
26 November
The European Commission unveils an economic recovery plan worth 200bn euros which it hopes will save millions of European jobs. The scheme aims to stimulate spending and boost consumer confidence.
1 December
The US recession is confirmed by the National Bureau of Economic Research, a leading panel including economists from Stanford, Harvard and MIT. The committee concludes that the US economy started to contract in December 2007.
4 December
French President Nicolas Sarkozy unveils a 26bn euro stimulus plan to help France fend off financial crisis, with money to be spent on public sector investments and loans for the country's troubled carmakers. The European Central Bank, as well as central banks in England, Sweden and Denmark , slash interest rates again in an effort to prevent a looming recession.
Impact on real economy
THE global financial crisis of September-October 2008 is a major ongoing financial crisis, the worst of its kind since the Great Depression of 1930s. It became prominently visible in September, 2008 with the failure, merger or conservatorship of several large United States-based financial institutions. The underlying causes leading to the crisis have been reported in business journals for many months before September with commentaries about the financial stability of the leading US and European investment banks, insurance companies and mortgage banks consequent to the sub-prime mortgage crisis.
Beginning with failures of large financial institutions in theUnited States , it rapidly evolved into a global crisis resulting in a number of European bank failures and declines in various stock indexes, and significant reduction in the market-value of equities (stock) down 27 per cent as of October 24, and commodities worldwide. The crisis has led to a liquidity problem and the de-leveraging of financial institutions, especially in the United States and Europe , which further accelerated the liquidity crisis. Political leaders and ministers of finance and central bank governors of the leading nations of the world have coordinated their efforts to reduce fears, but the crisis is persisting and undergoing changes in varying magnitudes and directions. The crisis has its roots in the sub prime mortgage crisis and can now be looked upon as an acute phase of the financial crisis of 2007-2008.
The present scribe thinks the key reason for the global financial crisis, which is blamed on the subprime mortgage crisis, is partially true. Because, theUS economy basically a bankrupt economy, which depends largely on credit cards. Every citizen pays the price of commodities through credit card making their life debt-oriented.
The economy of a country cannot stand on a sustainable level, if t its public life remains debt-oriented instead of savings-dependent. Over and above, with the surge of inflation, especially for food and fuel, the cost of living has shot up throwing them out of liquidity and thereby triggering failures in settlement of debt installments one after another. Under such circumstances, theUS banks faced an accumulated bad debts worth of billions of dollars which created credit crisis and the ultimate financial turmoil.
Now, we will discuss the impact of this global crisis on our economy.
Apparently, the export sector, especially the RMG and remittance will feel the first pinch as the galvanizing effect of the global financial meltdown. The projected havoc will consequently create unemployment in society and reduce the purchasing power of the general masses.
However, this writer differs with the above assumption. According to him, the global crisis originating in the developed world will create new opportunity for our export products as the buyers of those countries will be compelled to buy low-cost RMG products raising the demand for our apparels. On the other hand, the Bangladesh RMG is enjoying a competitive edge overChina and Vietnam which is also a boon for our export promotion.
This scribe will now focus on remittance issue. The ongoing global crisis will largely hit heavy and hi-tech industries absorbing white color job holders and skilled laborers whereBangladesh remains insulated because of its very poor presence in the international companies or factories. A large number of non-resident Bangladeshis (NRBs) are employed as unskilled workers, so they are less vulnerable to the risk of job-loss.
On the other hand, the continuous price fall of oil will help the international entrepreneurs to undertake new business efforts creating fresh employment opportunities which will ultimately save our remittance flow.
The price of per barrel of oil declined to US $ 65 from that of $ 147 and it is expected that the oil price will hover between $ 80 and $ 90 per barrel in the years to come.
It is also apparently clear that the flow of foreign aid and donation in our annual budget will decline because of the global crisis.
But our national priority should be to reduce the dependency on foreign aid. We have to ensure our self-esteem in the world as a self-dependent nation. We must create food safety net and energy safety net right now to ensure our national growth to withstand the challenges.
The food safety net should be created through enhancing domestic production, meeting shortfall through import in time, adopting stringent program and ensuring adequate supply.
On the other hand, the energy safety net should be created as the pace of development of any nation is intimately linked to its level of energy consumption.Bangladesh , like many other developing countries, has been rated poorly for its low per capita energy use. Yet there have been significant discoveries of commercial energy resources in the country, especially natural gas and coal. Successful exploration and exploitation of these energy resources can boost the economic development through industrial growth. Lately, there have been significant activities in the gas exploration and production sectors of the country. Also the country is about to enter a coal era with the commencement of the commercial coal production from the first major underground coal mine in North Bengal. As the energy sector opens up its potential for the present time, the nation's aspiration for achieving an energy security fin the near future still remains unfulfilled.
The first benefit with the implementation of food safety net and energy safety net will be in the field of price stability which will directly create new entrepreneurship. New entrepreneurship will lead to generating new employment opportunities, which in turn will create effective demand in the economy through increasing the purchasing power of commonpeople.
Beginning with failures of large financial institutions in the
The present scribe thinks the key reason for the global financial crisis, which is blamed on the subprime mortgage crisis, is partially true. Because, the
The economy of a country cannot stand on a sustainable level, if t its public life remains debt-oriented instead of savings-dependent. Over and above, with the surge of inflation, especially for food and fuel, the cost of living has shot up throwing them out of liquidity and thereby triggering failures in settlement of debt installments one after another. Under such circumstances, the
Now, we will discuss the impact of this global crisis on our economy.
Apparently, the export sector, especially the RMG and remittance will feel the first pinch as the galvanizing effect of the global financial meltdown. The projected havoc will consequently create unemployment in society and reduce the purchasing power of the general masses.
However, this writer differs with the above assumption. According to him, the global crisis originating in the developed world will create new opportunity for our export products as the buyers of those countries will be compelled to buy low-cost RMG products raising the demand for our apparels. On the other hand, the Bangladesh RMG is enjoying a competitive edge over
This scribe will now focus on remittance issue. The ongoing global crisis will largely hit heavy and hi-tech industries absorbing white color job holders and skilled laborers where
On the other hand, the continuous price fall of oil will help the international entrepreneurs to undertake new business efforts creating fresh employment opportunities which will ultimately save our remittance flow.
The price of per barrel of oil declined to US $ 65 from that of $ 147 and it is expected that the oil price will hover between $ 80 and $ 90 per barrel in the years to come.
It is also apparently clear that the flow of foreign aid and donation in our annual budget will decline because of the global crisis.
But our national priority should be to reduce the dependency on foreign aid. We have to ensure our self-esteem in the world as a self-dependent nation. We must create food safety net and energy safety net right now to ensure our national growth to withstand the challenges.
The food safety net should be created through enhancing domestic production, meeting shortfall through import in time, adopting stringent program and ensuring adequate supply.
On the other hand, the energy safety net should be created as the pace of development of any nation is intimately linked to its level of energy consumption.
The first benefit with the implementation of food safety net and energy safety net will be in the field of price stability which will directly create new entrepreneurship. New entrepreneurship will lead to generating new employment opportunities, which in turn will create effective demand in the economy through increasing the purchasing power of commonpeople.
The true reasons
The role of financial markets & their operation process
Over-reliance on self-regulatory capability of the markets is the actual cause for the current breakdown.
Letting the banks do what they want
The stage for the present crisis was set decades ago. Stock trading commissions were deregulated in the 1970s. The Glass-Steagall Act of 1933, which defined the distinction between investment and commercial banks, was repealed in 1999. This deregulation allowed other financial institutions to enter the territory of investment banks by trading stocks. Investment banks also sought refuge in the riskier business of securitization and high leverage (borrowed money). The Securities and Exchange Commission further relaxed the rules for investment banks in 2004, leaving them to essentially regulate them.
House prices never fall
Lower interest rates led to recovery from the 2001 recession, but the Federal Reserve kept interest rates too low for far too long, even when insiders started complaining. The generous credit environment prompted high levels of home equity borrowing funded by a new generation of “creative” mortgage companies. These companies function like hedge funds and exist beyond the regulatory radar. This fueled a speculative spree in the housing market with consumers understanding little of the risk involved in these mortgages. With low interest rates and a lack of regulation, loans began to be offered to subprime borrowers (less credit worthy borrowers) at a higher rate. To lure borrowers, the lenders offered teaser rates, which are lower in the beginning but grow rapidly.
The bubble bursts
The confidence in the housing market did not endure so housing prices began to fall. The position of homeowners became untenable. Borrowers were now defaulting not only due to their inability to pay but also their unwillingness to pay, as their houses were worth less than their mortgage. Appearance of a large number of houses for foreclosure caused housing prices to tumble further. With delinquent loans and houses worth far less, the lenders’ assets deteriorated. By now the subprime mortgage-backed securities were held globally. Investors started withdrawing from lenders. The banks started incurring losses in the derivatives market on their CDS, which existed to provide hedge protection. Banks in U.S. , Europe and Asia collapsed. The two remaining investment banks in the U.S., Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley, converted to commercial banks, a status subject to more regulation but with readier access to capital. Wall Street, as was formerly understood, is practically dead.
But Main Street is not insulated from this havoc. These bad assets are now held by all kinds of institutions, ranging from the biggest banks to local government investment pools. No one can estimate the exact amount of losses and who incurred them, but they are huge and will have far reaching effects. Therefore, the $700 billion bailout plan by Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson might just be a shot in the dark.
The failure of the Invisible Hand
The policies of little regulatory oversight were based on the premise that the mortgage companies and investment banks will act in their self interest to protect their shareholders. However, the short-term interests of the managers in mortgage companies were to give out more sub-prime loans quickly. With the instrument of securitization the burden was shifted to other investors, which prompted the lenders to take more risks. It was believed that the investment banks would act in a disciplined way for self-preservation and responsibility and not borrow excessively. But self-regulation rarely works this way.
Financial derivatives evolved as a mechanism to limit risk, but they only helped transfer the risk. Even those who were not willing to take risk are now affected, as it spread throughout the financial system. Experts like Warren Buffet and Felix Rohatyn were always wary of derivatives, equating them to bombs. However, former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, in power during much of the deregulatory period, fiercely opposed tighter regulation of derivatives whenever they came under scrutiny. Greenspan himself admitted in testimony to Congress on October 23 that more regulation is needed to prevent further disaster. Yet, his realization comes much too late. Without adequate institutional regulation the market will fail to curb the “opportunism” of the players. Even if the market does affect self-correction, it might take too long. As we are seeing, a crisis has already precipitated.
Mortgage market and mortgage backed securities
The mortgage market
Subprime lending is the practice of lending, mainly in the form of mortgages for the purchase of residences, to borrowers who do not meet the usual criteria for borrowing at the lowest prevailing market interest rate. These criteria pertain to the down payment and the borrowing household's income level, both as a fraction of the amount borrowed, and to the borrowing household's employment status and credit history. If a borrower is delinquent in making timely mortgage payments to the loan servicer (a bank or other financial firm), the lender can take possession of the residence acquired using the proceeds from the mortgage, in a process called foreclosure.
The subprime mortgage crisis is an ongoing financial crisis triggered by a dramatic rise in mortgage delinquencies and foreclosures in the United States, with major adverse consequences for banks and financial markets around the globe. The crisis, which has its roots in the closing years of the 20th century, became apparent in 2007 and has exposed pervasive weaknesses in financial industry regulation and the global financial system.
| Subprime | Alt-A | Jumbo | Agency | ||||||||
Year | O[1] | I[2] | R[3] | O | I | R | O | I | R | O | I | R |
2001 | 190.00 | 87.10 | 46 | 60.00 | 11.40 | 19 | 430.00 | 142.20 | 33 | 1,433.00 | 1,087.60 | 76 |
2002 | 231.00 | 122.70 | 53 | 68.00 | 53.50 | 79 | 576.00 | 171.50 | 30 | 1,898.00 | 1,442.60 | 76 |
2003 | 335.00 | 195.00 | 58 | 85.00 | 74.10 | 87 | 655.00 | 237.50 | 36 | 2,690.00 | 2,130.90 | 79 |
2004 | 540.00 | 362.63 | 67 | 200.00 | 158.60 | 79 | 515.00 | 233.40 | 45 | 1.345.00 | 1,018.60 | 76 |
2005 | 625.00 | 465.00 | 74 | 380.00 | 332.30 | 87 | 570.00 | 280.70 | 49 | 1,80.00 | 964.80 | 82 |
2006 | 600.00 | 448.60 | 75 | 400.00 | 365.70 | 91 | 480.00 | 219.00 | 46 | 1,040.00 | 904.60 | 87 |
Source: Inside Mortgage Finance (2007). Data cited in Ashcraft and Schuerman, 2008, p. 2. Agency origination refers to conventional loans that conform to standards set by Government Sponsored Enterprises such as Freddie Mac and Fennie Mae.
[1] Origination (in dollars)
[2] Issuance (in dollars)
[3] Ratio (percentage)
The role of interest based banking system
Although financial crises such as that currently underway tend to be seen as surprising and unusual when they occur, in fact they are common events, particularly in the period since 1970. For example, Demirgüc Kunt and Detragiache (2005) use a sample of 77 systemic crises over the period 1980–2002 in their research. Over 1970–2002, Caprio et al. (2005) found 117 episodes of systemic banking crises (with much or all of bank capital being exhausted) in 93 countries. They also found 51 episodes of borderline and non-systemic banking crisis in 45 countries over the same period. As Davis and Karim (2008) detail, seven systemic crises took place between 1980 and 2000 in advanced OECD countries, with minor crises in the US , Portugal and Italy , and large-scale systemic crises in the four countries listed in table 1. Other, more moderate crises have also taken place in OECD countries over this period, and are included in some of the lists referred to above. This would suggest that serious banking crises can take place with a probability of about one in fifty in any year in any OECD country, which is approximately 2½ standard deviations away from the mean. They are so common that strong defences should be built against them.
| Date | Duration | direct cost to taxpayers* | output loss (% of GDP) |
| 1991-2001 | 10 years | 14.0 | 71.7 |
| 1989-1992 | 4 years | 3.4 | 27.1 |
| 1991-1994 | 4 years | 2.1 | 3.8 |
| 1991-1994 | 4 years | 10.0 | 44.9 |
* Per cent of annual GDP at end of episode Source: Barrell and Hurst (2008) and Hoggarth and Saporta (2001)
The Nordic crises were sharp and had a significant effect on output, and they were associated with rapid and poorly designed financial deregulation that led to excessive consumer and commercial real estate borrowing and housing market and commercial property bubbles. The collapse of consumption spending and commercial real estate companies that came with the pricking of asset bubbles was a factor behind large-scale losses in the banking sectors, as were exposed positions in foreign exchange dealings. Real house prices fell 30 per cent in Finland between 1991 and 1993, whilst they fell by 25 per cent in Sweden over the same period. In both countries essentially the whole banking system had to be nationalised. Output losses, commonly calculated as the cumulated drop below trend growth, were large, but there seems to have been little effect on longer-term growth prospects.
The Japanese crisis also followed from ill-judged deregulation and an expansion of borrowing but involved fewer failures. The crisis lasted for a significantly longer period and the cumulated output loss appears to have been large. The economy was also trapped in a period with zero interest rates, making monetary policy essentially ineffective. It was driven as much by falling commercial property prices after an extreme bubble and by corporate sector over-indebtedness as by personal sector problems, and it led to a re-evaluation of risk premia in Japan , raising the user cost of capital and reducing trend output growth for some time. The Japanese crisis probably has had a permanent effect on the sustainable level of output in that economy. Fast resolution may have been a wiser option. In this paper we look at the build-up to the current global crisis, the events of the past fifteen months, and then at some implications of theory for policy.
Precursors of the crisis
The structural background in the period 2000–7 was one of low global interest rates, arising in turn from high levels of global liquidity as countries such as China [1] built up current account surpluses and foreign exchange reserves, maintaining artificially low exchange rates and a positive saving investment balance. As a result of such pressure, global real interest rates fell after 2001 and long-term real rates were probably 100 or more basis points below their level of the previous decade. This in turn contributed to rapid credit expansion and rising asset prices that preceded the crisis.
This pattern of innovation also fostered an accelerating shift of banks from holding loans on balance sheet to relying on securitizations (which in turn reduced the incentive to monitor loans). They profited from origination fees without having to suffer from capital requirements or a need to raise liabilities to cover the assets. Banks also held increasingly low levels of on-balance- sheet liquid assets, given low interest rates, and they undertook aggressive wholesale liability management to maintain funding levels. Furthermore, banks shifted risk to off-balance-sheet conduits and special investment vehicles (SIVs) in order to save capital under Basel 1 rules. More generally, scope for securitizations and the impression of liquidity it gave high credit ratings on asset backed securities (ABSs) and the seeming precision of risk models based on inadequate data may have lulled banks into taking on more credit risk than they otherwise would.
Lending to households grew at unprecedented rates, as we can see from figure 2, especially in Spain , the US and the UK , where house prices also rose rapidly. The lending was often to types of borrower (notably sub-prime and buy-to- let borrowers) who had been previously excluded or quantity rationed, especially in the US , and to a lesser extent in the UK . Figure 3 plots real house prices in the UK and the US , showing that in both countries they rose far above their longer-term trend. This of course could have been due to structural factors, as Cameron et al. (2006) suggest, but simpler analyses such as Barrell, Kirby and Riley (2004), which did include the impacts of the real interest rate decline, lead us to think that house prices were 30 per cent or more above fundamentals in the past few years in the UK for example. Figure 3 suggests that house prices are similarly overvalued in Spain and France , and perhaps a little less so in the US . In all these countries borrowing had expanded rapidly
Figure 2 Personal sector borrowing as a proportion of disposable incomes
The asset price bubble in the years up to 2007 was perhaps most noticeable in real estate, but real equity prices also looked strong, albeit buoyed by a high profit share as well as by low real interest rates. As can be seen from figure 4, the value of the stock market as compared to nominal GDP in the US and the UK in 2007 was probably below its peak in the previous bubble at the turn of the decade. In France and Spain peaks had been regained, but signs of overvaluation for 2007 as a whole were not as strong as for house prices. Looking alternatively at real equity prices, they weakened into 2008, and, as we can see from figure 5, at their peak they had been just below the top of the 2000 market in real terms in the UK and France . On the other hand, they were well above that peak in Spain and the US , even after the crisis had begun.
Figure 3 Real House Prices
At a deeper level, it can be argued that the pattern of asset price bubbles also reflected policy errors. One aspect is the monetary policies, notably in the US , which were a partial cause of low nominal and real interest rates. The monetary stance was initially eased as a response to the equity bear market of 2000–3, whose feared deflationary impact they sought to counteract. But it can be argued that the equity price fall was soon more than offset by a debt-financed housing boom in many OECD countries, which gathered strength as equity prices recovered in 2003–4. This was not counteracted by monetary policy that stayed ‘too loose for too long’, especially in the United States . Even from an inflation targeting point of view, as in the UK and Euro Area, it can be argued that wealth effects of the housing bubble were inadequately taken into account.
Moreover, there were failures of regulation. As noted in Davis and Karim (2008) many central banks have developed ‘macroprudential surveillance’ in recent years, with teams of analysts producing financial stability reviews. These in turn have often highlighted the risks of high leverage by home owners, accompanied by house prices above sustainable levels. They also, albeit to a lesser extent, saw the risks of opaque financial innovations and the risk of a liquidity crisis in the financial markets as in 1998 (the Russia-LTCM episode). The problem is that beyond speeches by Central Bank Governors (moral suasion), there were no effective policy instruments for macroprudential action in the hands of these central banks beyond the interest rate, which was devoted to price stability. They could, as in the case of Sweden , have ‘leaned against the wind’ in the context of inflation targeting, as Wadhwani (2008) suggests, but that was not considered appropriate in the UK or the US . It appears that the UK central bank seemed relaxed about the house price bubble, believing that it was not a major support for demand or a problem if it burst. The US authorities were convinced they could mop up the bubble once it burst. They can, but at a much greater cost to the US and the global economy than they had anticipated.
The situation was arguably aggravated by the fragmentation of micro prudential regulation in the US , its separation from the Central Bank in the UK in 1997 and the lack of a unified regulator in the EU (Barrell and Davis, 2005). All of these arguably contributed to a division of micro prudential and macro prudential regulation. In this context, although capital adequacy regulation continued to be focused on avoiding systemic risk as well as individual institution failure (and hence a difference between ‘regulatory’ and ‘economic’ capital), there seems to be a tendency to greater focus in recent years on micro efficiency at the cost of macro stability. The sharp potential reduction in capital needs when banks adopted the advanced internal ratings-based (IRB) approach under Basel 2 is a symptom of this. Another is the lack of response of regulators to the concerns expressed in Financial Stability Reports by central banks, given that they had the scope to warn institutions against the background of a threat of tighter capital standards. A third is the tendency of the financial system to become increasingly pro-cyclical, as pointed out repeatedly by the BIS (Borio, 2005; Borio et al., 2001). The Spanish approach of requiring higher provisions from institutions with rapidly growing balance sheets shows the scope for better integration of micro and macro prudential policies, in that, although it did not prevent a major debt and real estate boom, it has left Spanish banks in a reasonable state of robustness. However, the Spanish banking system became more reliant on wholesale funding than others in Europe , and it has been the major user of the ECB’s short-term facilities. Hence its business model, which was similar to that of Northern Rock, was not robust to a crisis where inter-bank interest rates rose.
Looking more closely at European issues, over the past decade or so the European Commission has created a Single Market in financial services, and has recognized the need for a single, or at least coordinated, regulatory framework. Little was done in response to this felt need, and solvency concerns were left in the hands of home regulators, whilst host regulators could only concern themselves with the liquidity of foreign banks (in the case of branching). This took place as EU banks grew highly dependent on wholesale funding, often cross border that eventually proved unreliable. The inadequacy of this approach is best illustrated by the problems of the Icelandic banking system, which had been predicted by many commentators for some years. Icelandic banks took retail deposits in many countries and invested in equity assets (directly or via lending) as if they were holding companies or hedge funds. There were little regulators in the UK or elsewhere could do about this, and Icelandic banks built up asset bases that summed to more than ten times Iceland ’s GDP. Accordingly, the bank failures following liquidity crises, which on standard definitions of crises often involve losses of 10 per cent or more of assets, could not easily be covered.
Events of the crisis
2007 saw growing realisation of potential losses on sub-prime mortgages as US house prices fell and defaults increased. Whereas initial estimates in July 2007 quoted by Fed Chairman Bernanke were for $50–100 billion in losses, by February 2008 Greenlaw et al. were forecasting $500 billion, and by October 2008 the IMF (2008b) was reasonably sure that losses could be as high as $1.4 trillion, around $450 billion more than the figure they had suggested as a possibility in April 2008. The capital reserve assets of the US banking system in 2007 were not much larger than this number, and if all defaults had been contained within the system, it would have failed. As Honohan (2008) notes, over half of the assets backed by sub-prime loans had been offloaded, mainly on European banks. There had also been a significant amount of recapitalization from sovereign wealth funds in the early months of the crisis as Greenlaw et al. (2008) note, with up to $400 billion raised, much of which was subsequently lost by the investors as bank equity prices fell in 2008.
These losses, along with uncertainty and concern about asymmetric information due to the opaque structures of related structured asset-backed securities (ABS), combined to generate sales of such assets. Sales led in turn not just to price falls but also to market liquidity failure for the over-the-counter (OTC) markets for the ABS. Prices fell and trading became difficult or impossible even among the lowest risk trances of the relevant securities. As noted by ECB (2008), price falls affected not only the standardized instruments such as index-based collateralized debt obligations (CDOs) but also the ‘bespoke’ structures that are not normally traded but which are nonetheless marked to market, since implicit prices for the latter are derived from the former. Furthermore, Scheicher (2008) shows econometrically that there was indeed a major element of concern over market liquidity and lower risk appetite in accounting for the fall in prices/rise in spreads and not only credit risk. Such liquidity and risk aversion effects are omitted from standard CDO pricing models.
This liquidity failure was aggravated by rising margin requirements, which limited the freedom of action of speculative investors such as hedge funds, and led them to sell holdings of ABS. It was also worsened by lesser risk capital allocated to market making in such products due to the rise in volatility and lesser revenues to investment banks, which limited their ability to take risks.
The rush to sell securitized assets may also have been worsened by the impact of mark-to-market accounting on the capital of leveraged institutions and reliance on quantitative techniques of trading and risk management that assume continuous liquidity (IMF, 2008a). Long-term investors may have been constrained from taking contrary positions that could have renewed market liquidity due to excessive leverage (e.g. of hedge funds) and consequent credit restrictions in the context of mark-to-market accounting. Later the ban on short selling further constrained hedge funds’ freedom of action.
Banks were impacted rapidly by the market liquidity failure for securitized loans due to mark-to-market pricing, so price falls affected solvency. This was unlike banking crises in the past where loans have typically been held at historic cost with no specific price. Furthermore, the fact that a great many ABSs were held in conduits and SIVs spread the contagion, since these institutions require financing in the market for asset-backed commercial paper. Doubts by money market funds regarding the ABS that the conduits and SIVs held led on to a market-liquidity collapse of the asset backed commercial paper (ABCP) market also, which meant sponsoring banks had to take the assets back onto their balance sheets. The extensive holding of US ABSs by EU banks and related conduits and SIVs spread the impact internationally.
Meanwhile, traders’ attempts to hedge, meet margin calls or realize gains in safer or more liquid markets, transmitted the demand for liquidity contagiously, affecting liquidity in other markets. Market makers in a range of markets were often unwilling to trade at posted prices (IMF, 2008a) due to uncertainty, volatility and concern about default risk of counterparties.
There are also new patterns in funding-liquidity risk which link from market-liquidity risk. Banks were unable to securitize the mortgages and other loans they were issuing owing to the liquidity collapse of the ABS market. They also experienced calls on back-up lines of credit for conduits and SIVs unable to issue ABCP. Accordingly, banks hoarded liquidity in order to provide sufficient funding for their ongoing business. This hoarding was aggravated by fear of counterparty risk in the inter-bank market due to other banks’ undisclosed losses on ABS from credit and liquidity risk. Mark to market becomes a highly uncertain process when liquidity collapses (ECB, 2008), giving rise to concern that assets of counterparties are wrong measured. One consequence of these problems of funding-liquidity risk was the failure of the solvent UK mortgage bank Northern Rock, which had an aggressive wholesale funding ratio and had been relying on securitizing assets, which was no longer feasible (UK Parliament, 2008). In contrast, the US bank Countrywide was able for a time to rely on liability insurance contracts that limited scope for a run, a feature not present in earlier crises.[1]
These combined features led on to the emergence of historically large premium and quantity rationing of funds in the domestic inter-bank markets in the US , UK and Euro Area, at all but overnight maturities, alongside the securities markets. Funding at three months in particular became very difficult to obtain. These patterns in turn meant that funding-liquidity risk was closely related to market-liquidity risk. Banks were vulnerable to this linkage due to their low holdings of liquid assets, growth in reliance on short-term wholesale funding,[2] dependence on securitization and the rise in overall maturity mismatch on their balance sheets related to SIVs and conduits. Banks in the wake of this sought to reduce balance sheet lending, at the same time that borrowers were rendered cautious by house price falls, leading to unprecedented falls in mortgage lending. Central banks offered massive volumes of liquidity to supply banks and sought to restart the inter-bank funding markets. Beyond Northern Rock, failures in 2007 included two small German banks. The casualties of this ongoing pattern in 2008 were much more important. They included Bear Stearns (taken over with government guarantees), IndyMac (failed) and Fanny Mae and Freddy Mac (effectively nationalized).
The ongoing process unleashed by the crisis can be referred to as deleveraging (IMF, 2008b), as banks and other institutions sought to reduce exposure to high risk sectors, selling assets or reducing asset growth, as well as reducing dependence on unstable wholesale funding and rebuilding capital adequacy. Arguably, it is also involving a reduction in the excess capacity that has built up in the financial system over many years (Davis and Salo, 1998). The process is aggravated by the ongoing fall in asset prices and rise in private sector defaults on loans, as noted above, as well as by closure of securitization markets, notably in Europe . By September 2008 it seemed that the crisis was ongoing, but not worsening. However, following the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers (unsupported by the authorities) in mid-September, there was a sharp worsening of market conditions and the process of deleveraging became disorderly as counterparty risk perceptions ballooned.
The equity market, which had been surprisingly little affected by the crisis up to that point, began to fall sharply. This particularly reflected low confidence in banks that were dependent on wholesale funding, because markets for such funds, that had previously been costly and restrictive, proved to be totally closed to such institutions after Lehman’s failure. Cross-border lending was even more sharply curtailed than domestic, showing again the historic instability of the international inter-bank market (Bernard and Bisignano, 2000). Money market funds in particular underwent losses when Lehman’s collapsed, and this led to them ‘breaking the dollar’ and needing support from the Federal Reserve. They underwent massive redemptions ($320 billion in one week), as did hedge funds and mutual funds, leading to forced asset sales which intensified the downward spiral in asset prices. Instead of offering liquid funds to banks, money market funds began rather to compete with them for financing. The Fed had to start purchasing commercial paper directly from non-financial companies to avoid a liquidity crunch for them. A large number of creditors, including significant hedge funds, had their assets frozen in the Lehman bankruptcy, and were forced to find alternative funds, adding to selling pressure in equity markets.
The authorities acted in the wake of the worsening of market conditions. The US authorities devised and passed the Paulson plan, which was designed to restore liquidity to the markets by using $700 billion to buy up mortgage backed securities. However, this plan did not address the solvency of the banks directly, and left many exposed. The American Insurance Group (AIG) had made a major foray into insuring complex products, and had lost most of its capital base when default rates rose to ten times those on which polices were based. It, along with Bradford and Bingley in the UK , had to be nationalized in succession. Merrill Lynch and Wachovia were taken over. Washington Mutual was closed by regulators and sold to JP Morgan Chase. The remaining US investment banks had to become bank holding companies.
Banks dependent on cross-border financing were hardest hit. For example, the two major Belgian banks have had to be nationalized and all three Icelandic banks failed in October. Significant public sector stakes totaling £37 billion were taken in three major lenders in the UK , HBOS, RBS and Lloyds, in order to ensure their solvency, while guarantees were offered for their liabilities and the Bank of England expanded its swap facility for illiquid assets. The effective nationalization of a large part of the UK banking sector ensured that this system would remain solvent, and a number of European countries announced that they would also strengthen the equity base of banks by taking a public share. It also appeared that the Paulson plan could be redirected to the same purpose, and in mid-October $250 billion was made available to US banks to increase their capital adequacy ratios with public stakes in their equities being taken in return. The lessons of the Nordic crisis had been noted, albeit a month later than would have been wise.
Public intervention had been made urgent by the fact that the equity market seemed to foresee a liquidity crisis for many banks when medium-term funding became due in coming years. The UK bank HBOS seemed close to failure until it was announced that a takeover by Lloyds would occur. In the week of 6–10 October, stock markets around the world fell by 25 per cent, despite approval of a rescue package for US banks and the announcement of a yet more comprehensive plan to support UK banks’ capital and liquidity. Emerging markets, that had hitherto been relatively unscathed, began to be badly affected (IMF, 2008b) as external finance became much harder to obtain.
Nature of Money:
One of the wrong presumptions on which all theories of interest are based is that money has been treated as a commodity. It is, therefore, argued that just as a merchant can sell his commodity for a higher price than his cost, he can also sell his money for a higher price than its face value, or just as he can lease his property and can charge a rent against it, he can also lend his money and can claim interest thereupon.
Islamic principles, however, do not subscribe to this presumption. Money and commodity have different characteristics and therefore they are treated differently. The basic points of difference between money and commodity are as follows:
(a) Money has no intrinsic utility. It cannot be utilized in direct fulfillment of human needs. It can only be used for acquiring some goods or services. A commodity, on the other hand, has intrinsic utility and can be utilized directly without exchanging it for some other thing.
(b) The commodities can be of different qualities while money has no quality except that it is a measure of value or a medium of exchange. Therefore, all the units of money of the same denomination, are hundred per cent equal to each other. An old and dirty note of RS1000/= has the same value as a brand new note of Rs.I000/=.
(c) In commodities, the transactions of sale and purchase are effected on an identified particular commodity .If A has purchased a particular car by pinpointing it, and seller has agreed, he deserves to receive the same car. The seller cannot compel him to take the delivery of another car, though of the same type or quality. Money, on the contrary, cannot be pin-pointed in a transaction of exchange. If A has purchased a commodity from B by showing him a particular note of Rs.l000/- he can still pay him another note of the same denomination.
Based on these basic differences, Islamic Shariah has treated money differently from commodities, especially on two scores:
Firstly, money (of the same denomination) is not held to be the subject matter of trade, like other commodities. Its use has been restricted to its basic purpose i.e. to act as a medium of exchange and a measure of value.
Secondly, if for exceptional reasons, money has to be exchanged for money or it is borrowed, the payment on both sides must be equal, so that it is not used for the purpose it is not meant for i.e. trade in money itself.
Imam Al-Ghazzali view on the Nature of Money
Imam Al-Ghazzali (d.505 A.H.) the renowned jurist and philosopher of Islamic history discussed the nature of money in an early period when the Western theories of money were not existent, at all. He stated:
"The creation of dirhams and dinars (money) is one of the blessings of Allah. They are stones having no intrinsic usufruct or utility, but all human beings need them, because every body needs a large number of commodities for his eating, wearing etc, and often he does not have what he needs and does have what he needs not... therefore, the transactions of exchange are inevitable. But there must be a measure on the basis of which price can be determined, because the exchanged commodities are neither of the same type, nor of the same measure which can determine how much quantity of one commodity is a just price for another.
Therefore, all these commodities need a mediator to judge their exact value Allah Almighty has, therefore, created dirhams and dinars (money) as judges and mediators between all commodities so that all objects of wealth are measured through them... and their being the measure of the value of all commodities is based on the fact that they are not an objective in themselves. Had they been an objective in themselves, one could have a specific purpose for keeping them, which might have given them more importance according to his intention while the one who had no such purpose would have not given them such importance and thus the whole system would have been disturbed. That is why Allah has created them, so that they may be circulated between hands and act as a fair judge between different commodities and work as a medium to acquire other things. So, the one who owns them is as he owns every thing, unlike the one who owns a cloth, because he owns only a cloth, therefore, if he needs food, the owner of the food may not be interested in exchanging his food for cloth, because he may need an animal for example. Therefore, there was needed a thing which in its appearance is nothing, but in its essence is everything. The thing which has no particular form may have different forms in relation to other things like a mirror, which has no colour, but it reflects every colour. The same is the case of money. It is not an objective in itself, but it is an instrument to lead to all objectives.
During the horrible depression of 1930s, an "Economic Crisis Committee" was formed by Southampton Chamber of Commerce in January 1933. The Committee consisted of ten members headed by Mr. Dennis Mundy. In its report the committee had discussed the root causes of the calamitous depression in national and international trade and had suggested different measures to overcome the problem. After discussing the pitfalls of the existing financial system, one of the committee's recommendations was that "In order to ensure that money performs its true function of operating as a means of exchange and distribution, it is desirable that it should be traded as a commodity."
This real nature of money which should have been appreciated as a fundamental principle of the financial system remained neglected for centuries, but it is now increasingly recognized by the modern economists. Prof. John Gray, of Oxford University , in his recent work 'False Dawn' has remarked as follows:
"Most significantly, perhaps transactions on foreign exchange markets have now reached the astonishing sum of around $1.2 trillion a day, over fifty times the level of the world trade. Around 95 percent of these transactions are speculative in nature, many using complex new derivative's financial instruments based on futures and options. According to Michael Albert, the daily volume of transactions on the foreign exchange markets of the world holds some $900 billions -equal to France 's annual GDP and some $200 million more than the total foreign currency reserves of the world central banks. This virtual financial economy has a terrible potential for disrupting the underlying real economy as seen in the collapse in 1995 of Barings, Britain 's oldest bank.
The size of derivatives mentioned by John Gray was, by the way, of their daily transactions. The size of their total worth, however, is much greater. It is mentioned by Richard Thomson in his "Apocalypse Roulette" in the following words: "Financial derivatives have grown, more or less from standing starting in the early 1970s, to a $64 trillion industry by 1996. How do you imagine a number that big? You could say that if you laid all those dollar bills end to end, they would stretch from here to the sun sixty-six times, or to the moon 25 900 times"'
James Robertson observes in his latest work, 'Transforming Economic Life' in the following words:
"Today's money and finance system is unfair, ecologically destructive and economically inefficient; the money-must-grow imperative derives production (and thus consumption) to higher than necessary levels. It skews economic effort towards money out of money, and against providing real services and goods. It also results in a massive world-wide diversion of effort away from providing useful goods and services, into making money out of money. At least 95% of the billions of dollars transferred daily around the world are for purely financial transactions, unlinked to transactions in the real economy."
This is exactly what Imam Al-Ghazzali had pointed out nine hundred years ago. The evil results of such an unnatural trade have been further explained by him as follows:
"Riba (interest), is prohibited because it prevents people from undertaking real economic activities. This is because when a person having money is allowed to earn more money on the basis of interest, either in spot or in deferred transactions, it becomes easy for him to earn without bothering himself to take pains in real economic activities. This leads to hampering the real interests of the humanity, because the interests of the humanity cannot be safeguarded without real trade skills, industry, and construction."
It seems that Imam- Al-Ghazzali has, in that early age, pointed out to the phenomenon of monetary factors prevailing on production, creating a wide gap between the supply of money and the supply of real goods which has emerged in the later days as the major cause of inflation, almost the same 'terrible potential' of trading in money as explained by John Gray and James Robertson in their above extracts. We will examine this aspect a little later, but what is important at this point is the fact that money, being a medium of exchange and a measure of value cannot be taken as a "production good" which yields profit on daily basis, as is presumed by the theories of interest. This is a mediator and it should be left to play this exclusive role. To make it an object of profitable trade disturbs the whole monetary system and brings a plethora of economic and moral hazards to the whole society.
The Nature of Loan
Another major difference between the secular capitalist system and the Islamic principles is that under the former system, loans are purely commercial transactions meant to yield a fixed income to the lenders. Islam, on the other hand, does not recognize loans as income-generating transactions. They are meant only for those lenders who do not intend to earn a worldly return through them. They, instead, lend their money either on humanitarian grounds to achieve a reward in the Hereafter, or merely to save their money through a safer hand. So far as investment is concerned, there are several other modes of investment like partnership etc which may be used for that purpose. The transactions of loan are not meant for earning income.
The basic philosophy underlying this scheme is that one who offers his money to another person has to decide whether:
(a) he is lending money to him as a sympathetic act; or
(b) he is lending money to the borrower, so that his principal may be saved; or
(c) he is advancing his money to share the profits of the borrower.
(b) he is lending money to the borrower, so that his principal may be saved; or
(c) he is advancing his money to share the profits of the borrower.
In the former two cases (a) and (b) he is not entitled to claim any additional amount over and above the principal, because in the case (a) he has offered financial assistance to the borrower on humanitarian grounds or any other sympathetic considerations, and in the case (b) his sole purpose is to save his money and not to earn any extra income.
However, if his intention is to share the profits of the borrower, as in the case (c), he shall have to share his loss also, if he suffers a loss. In this case, his objective cannot be served by a transaction of loan. He will have to undertake a joint venture with the opposite party, whereby both of them will have a joint stake in the business and will share: its outcome on fair basis. Conversely, if the intent of sharing the profit of the borrower is designed on the basis of an interest-based loan, it will mean that the financier wants to ensure his own profit, while he leaves the profit of the borrower at the mercy of the actual outcome of the business. There may be a situation where the business of the borrower totally fails. In this situation he will not only bear the whole loss of the business, but he will have also to pay interest to the lender, meaning thereby that the profit or interest of the financier is guaranteed at the price of the destructive loss of the borrower, which is obviously a glaring injustice.
On the other hand, if the business of the borrower earns huge profits, the financier should have shared him in the profit in reasonable proportion, but in an interest-based system, the profit of the financier is restricted to a fixed rate of return which is governed by the forces of supply and demand of money and not on the actual profits produced on the ground. This rate of interest may be much less than the reasonable proportion a financier might have deserved, had it been a joint venture. In this case the major part of the profit is secured by the borrower, while the financier gets much less than deserved by his input in the business, which is another form of injustice.
Thus, financing a business on the basis of interest creates an unbalanced atmosphere, which has the potential of bringing injustice to either of the two parties in different situations. That is the wisdom for which the Shariah does not approve an interest-based loan as a form of financing.
Once interest is banned, the role of 'loans' in commercial activities becomes very limited, and the whole financing structure turns out to be equity-based and backed by real assets. In order to limit the use of loans, the Shariah has permitted to borrow money only in cases of dire need, and has discouraged the practice of incurring debts for living beyond one's means or to grow one's wealth. The well-known event that the Holy Prophet refused to offer the funeral prayer (salat-ul janazah) of a person who died indebted was, in fact, to establish the principle that incurring debt should not be taken as a natural or ordinary phenomenon of life. It should be the last thing to be resorted to in the course of economic activities. This is one of the reasons for which interest has been prohibited, because, given the prohibition of interest, no one will be agreeable to advance a loan without a return for unnecessary expenses of the borrower or for his profitable projects. It will leave no room for unnecessary expenses incurred through loans. The profitable ventures, on the other hand, will be designed on the basis of equitable participation and thus the scope of loans will remain restricted to a narrow circle.
Conversely, once interest is allowed, and advancing loans, in itself, becomes a form of profitable trade, the whole economy turns into a debt-oriented economy which not only dominates over the real economic activities and disturbs its natural functions by creating frequent shocks; but also puts mankind under the slavery of debt. It is no secret that all the nations of the world, including the developed countries, are drowned in national and foreign debts to the extent that the amount of payable debts in a large number of countries exceeds their total income. Just to take one example of UK , the household debt in 1963 was less than 30% of total annual income. In 1997, however, the percentage of household debt rose up to more than 100% of the total income. It means that the household debt throughout the country, embracing rich and poor alike, represents more than the entire gross annual incomes of the country. Consumers have borrowed, and made purchases against their future earnings, equivalent to more than the entirety of their annual incomes.
Peter Warburton, one of the UK 's most respected financial commentators and a past winner of economic forecasting awards, has commented on this situation as follows:
"The credit and capital markets have grown too rapidly, with too little transparency and accountability. Prepare for an explosion that will rock the western financial system to its foundation."
Overall Effects of Interest
Interest-based loans have a persistent tendency in favor of the rich and against the interests of the common people. It carries adverse effects on production and allocation of resources as well as on distribution of wealth. Some of these effects are the following:
(a) Evil effects on allocation of Resources
Loans in the present banking system are advanced mainly to those who, on the strength of their wealth, can offer satisfactory collateral. Dr. M. Umar Chapra (Senior Economic Advisor to Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency) who appeared in this case as a juris-consult has summarized the effects of this practice in the following words:
"Credit, therefore, tends to go to those who, according to Lester Thurow, are 'lucky rather than smart or meritocratic. The banking system thus tends to reinforce the unequal distribution of capital. Even Morgan Guarantee Trust Company, sixth largest bank in the U.S has admitted that the banking system has failed to 'finance either maturing smaller companies or venture capitalist' and 'though awash with funds, is not encouraged to deliver competitively priced funding to any but the largest, most cash-rich companies. Hence, while deposits come from a broader cross-section of the population, their benefit goes mainly to the rich."
The veracity of this statement can be confirmed by the fact that according to the statistics issued by the State Bank of Pakistan in September 1999, 9269 account holders out of 2,184,417 (only 0.4243% of total account holders) have utilized Rs.438.67 billion which is 64.5% of total advances as of end December 1998.
(b) Evil effects on production
Since in an interest-based system funds are provided on the basis of strong collateral and the end-use of the funds does not constitute the main criterion for financing, it encourages people to live beyond their means. The rich people do not borrow for productive projects only, but also for conspicuous consumption.
Similarly, governments borrow money not only for genuine development programs, but also for their lavish expenditure and for projects motivated by their political ambitions rather than being based on sound economic assessment. Non-project-related borrowings, which were possible only in an interest-based system have thus helped in nothing but increasing the size of our debts to a horrible extent. According to the budget of 1998/99 in our country 46 percent of the total government spending is devoted to debt-servicing, while only 18% is allocated for development which includes education, health and infrastructure.
(c) Evil effects on distribution
We have already pointed out that when business is financed on the basis of interest, it may bring injustice either to the borrower if he suffers a loss, or to the financier if the debtor earns huge profits. Although both situations are equally possible in an interest-based system, and there are many examples where the payment of interest has brought total ruin to the small traders, yet in our present banking system, the injustice brought to the financier is more pronounced and much more disturbing to the equitable distribution of wealth.
In the context of modern capitalist system, it is the banks that advance depositors' money to the industrialists and traders. Almost all the giant business ventures are mostly financed by the banks and financial institutions. In numerous cases the funds deployed by the big entrepreneurs from their own pocket are much less than the funds borrowed by them from the common people through banks and financial institutions. If the entrepreneurs having only ten million of their own acquire 90 million from the banks and embark on a huge profitable enterprise, it means that 90% of the projects is created by the money of the depositors while only 10% was generated by their own capital.
If these huge projects bring enormous profits, only a small proportion (of interest which normally ranges between 2% to 10% in different countries) will go to the depositors whose input in the projects was 90% while all the rest will be secured by the big entrepreneurs whose real contribution to the projects was not more than 10%. Even this small proportion given to the depositors is taken back by these big entrepreneurs, because all the interest paid by them is included in the cost of their production and comes back to them through the increased prices. The net result in this case is that all the profits of the big enterprises is earned by the persons whose own financial input does not exceed 10% of the total investment, while the people whose financial contribution was as high as 90% get nothing in real terms, because the amount of interest given to them is often repaid by them through the increased prices of the products, and therefore, in a number of cases the return received by them becomes negative in real terms.
While this phenomenon is coupled with the fact, already mentioned, that 64.5% of total advances went only to 0.4243% of total account holders, it means that the profits generated mostly by the money of millions of people went almost exclusively to 9,269 borrowers. One can imagine how far the interest-based borrowings have contributed to the horrible inequalities found in our system of distribution, and how great is the injustice brought by the modern commercial interest to the whole society as compared to the interest charged on the old consumption loans that affected only some individuals.
How the present interest-based system works to favor the rich and kill the poor is succinctly explained by James Robertson in the following words:
"The pervasive role of interest in the economic system results in the systematic transfer of money from those who have less to those who have more. Again, this transfer of resources from poor to rich has been made shockingly clear by the Third World debt crisis. But it applies universally. It is partly because those who have more money to lend, get more in interest than those who have less; it is partly because those who have less, often have to borrow more; and it is partly because the cost of interest repayments now forms a substantial element in the cost of all goods and services, and the necessary goods and services looms much larger in the finances of the rich. When we look at the money system that way and when we begin to think about how it should be redesigned to carry out its functions fairly and efficiently as part of an enabling and conserving economy, the arguments for an interest-free inflation-free money system for the twenty-first century seems to be very strong."
The same author in another book comments as follows:
"The transfer of revenue from poor people to rich people, from poor places to rich places, and from poor countries to rich countries by the money and finance system is systematic One cause of the transfer of wealth from poor to rich is the way interest payments and receipts work through the economy.
(d) Expansion of artificial money and inflation
Since interest-bearing loans have no specific relation with actual production, and the financier, after securing a strong collateral, normally has no concern how the funds are used by the borrower, the money supply effected through banks and financial institutions has no nexus with the goods and services actually produced on the ground. It creates a serious mismatch between the supply of money and the production of goods and services. This is obviously one of the basic factors that create or fuel inflation.
This phenomenon is aggravated to a horrible extent by the well-known characteristic of the modern banks normally termed as 'money creation'. Even the primary books of economics usually explain, often with complacence, how the banks create money. This apparently miraculous function of the banks is sometimes taken to be one of the factors that boost production and bring prosperity. But the illusion underlying this concept is seldom unveiled by the champions of modern banking.
The history of money creation' refers back to the famous story of the goldsmiths in medieval England . The people used to deposit their gold coins with them in trust, and they used to issue a receipt to the depositors. In order to simplify the process, the goldsmiths started issuing 'bearer' receipts which gradually took the place of gold coins and the people started using them in settlement of their liabilities. When these receipts gained wide acceptability in the market, only a small fraction of the depositors or bearers ever came to the goldsmiths to demand actual gold. At this point the goldsmiths began lending out some of the deposited gold secretly and thus started earning interest on these loans. After some time they discovered that they could print more money (i.e. paper gold deposit certificates) than actually deposited with them and that they could loan out this extra money on interest. They acted accordingly and this was the birth of 'money creation' or 'fractional reserve lending' which means to loan out more money than one has as a reserve for deposits. In this way these goldsmiths, after becoming more confident, started decreasing the reserve requirement and increasing the percentage of their self-created credit, and used to loan out four, five, even ten times more gold certificates than they had in their safe rooms.
Initially, it was abuse of trust and a sheer fraud on the part of the goldsmiths not warranted by any norm of equity, justice and honesty. It was a form of forgery and usurpation of the power of the sovereign authority to issue money. But overtime, this fraudulent practice turned into the fashionable standard practice of the modern banks under the 'fractional reserve' system.
How the money changers and bankers have succeeded in legalizing the creation of money by the private banks, in spite of the strong opposition from several rulers in England and USA, and how the Rothchilds acquired financial mastery over the whole of Europe and the Rockfeller over the whole of America is a long story, now lost in the mist of numerous theories developed to support the concept of money-creation by the private banks. But the net result is that the modern banks are creating money out of nothing. They are allowed to advance loans in the amounts ten times more than their deposits. The coins and notes issued by the government as genuine and debt-free money have now a very insignificant proportion in the total money in circulation, most of which is artificial money created by advances made by the banks.
The proportion of real money issued by the governments has been constantly declining in most of the countries, while the proportion of the artificial money created by the banks out of nothing is ever-increasing. The spiral of loans built upon loans is now the major part of the money supply. Taking the example of UK according to the statistics of 1997 the total money stock in the country was 680 billion pounds, out of which only 25 billion pounds were issued by the government in the form of coins and notes. All the rest i.e. 655 billion pounds were created by the banks. It means that the original debt-free money remained only 3.6% of the whole money supply while 96.4% is nothing but a bubble created by the banks.
So although the banks do not create currency, they do create cheque book money, or deposits, by making new loans. They even invest some of this created money. In fact, over one trillion dollars of this privately created money has been used to purchase US bonds on the open market, which provides the banks with roughly 50 depositors. In this was though fractional reserve lending, banks create far in excess of 90% of the money and therefore cause over 90% of our inflation."
The role of dolor based currency system
The collapse of the Bretton Woods System, three decades ago, had several causes. It was due partly to the gradual deterioration in the net reserve position of the United States –the increase of its dollar liabilities to foreign central banks relative to its own gold holdings. It was due partly to the economic recovery of Western Europe and Japan, which eroded the US trade surplus and called for a devaluation of the dollar – something that the United States could not achieve in an orderly way because of the fundamental asymmetry in the Bretton Woods System; the dollar was used by other countries to define and defend the values of their currencies. And it was due partly to a policy error by the United States – its failure to pay for the Vietnam War by raising taxes.
The situation today is similar in some respects but different in others. The reserve position of the United States is not at issue, because the dollar is no longer tied to gold, and the United States has no comparable obligation to convert into some other monetary asset the dollars held by foreign official institutions. Furthermore, the United States had a current-account surplus in the 1960s, although it was not large enough to cover the capital outflow from the United States , most notably the large direct-investment outflow from the United States to Europe . Today, by contrast, the United States has a huge current-account deficit. It already exceeds 5 per cent of GDP and shows no sign of shrinking, despite the depreciation of the dollar that has already taken place. In fact, the deficit is likely to grow substantially in the next several years, absent a major change in economic fundamentals.1 As a result, the United States has become a net debtor in the strict sense of the term – after excluding foreign direct investments from both sides of its balance sheet. At the end of 2003, foreign claims on the United States exceeded US claims on foreigners by $2.94 trillion, and foreign official dollar holdings held in the United States rose from $1.21 trillion in December 2002 to $1.65 trillion in June 2004.
Some say that this situation is sustainable for several more years. I’ll tell you why I disagree. But let me first remind you of two more differences between the present situation and the one in 1971, when the Bretton Woods System started to disintegrate:
First, we do not face a sudden collapse of a rule-based regime, because we don’t have a rule-based regime. Three of the four key players, the euro zone, Japan , and the United States , have floating exchange rates, and floating rates don’t collapse, although they can change more quickly and by larger amounts than might be desirable for the maintenance of macroeconomic stability. The fourth key player, China , is the only one with a fixed exchange rate.
Second, the dollar was the main reserve currency available during the Bretton Woods era, and governments not wanting to hold more dollars had only one obvious alternative – buying gold from the US Treasury. Few governments did that, however, during the final years of the Bretton Woods era. They knew that a further fall in the US gold stock could trigger a scramble for gold and the collapse of the system itself – which is what happened in August 1971, when the anticipation of additional gold losses prompted the United States to close the gold window. Today, however, they have another option – using dollars to buy euros.
We thus face the rising risk of a disorderly shift from the present dollar-based monetary system to a multiple-currency monetary system based on the dollar and the euro. Some of my European friends would welcome the ultimate outcome, a large international role for the euro, but they should be worried about getting there quickly.
We began with the collapse of the Bretton Woods System, but those who believe that the US current-account deficit is in fact sustainable look back even further. In three recent papers, Dooley, Folkerts-Landau and Garber (2004a, 2004b, 2004c) draw an extended analogy between the situation in the 1960s and the one today. In the 1960s, they say, Europe and Japan resisted the revaluation of their currencies vis-à-vis the dollar in order to pursue export-led growth. Today, they say, China and other Asian countries are doing the same thing, and they will go on doing that. China , in particular, has embarked on a massive task – moving tens of millions of people from rural to urban life and creating the jobs required to achieve that outcome. In their most recent paper, moreover, the three authors carry their analogy further. The Asian countries, they suggest, are willing to accumulate large dollar holdings in order to collateralize the risks assumed by foreigners making investments in China .
Roubini and Setser (2004) have raised several objections to this reassuring story. They note, for example, that the likely growth of the US current-account deficit may soon exceed the ability of Asian central banks to absorb additional dollars. At the very least, it will make it increasingly difficult for them to manage their money supplies in a manner consistent with price stability.3 Those of us with long memories, moreover, will recall that the United States had to use many carrots and sticks during the 1960s in order to induce European governments to finance the US payments deficit, because they were reluctant to accumulate dollars. It threatened to repatriate the dependents of US troops in Europe; it extracted advance payments for military hardware sold to its NATO partners; and it extracted a written promise from the German government to go on holding dollars rather than buy gold from the US Treasury.4 Throughout the 1960s, moreover, Europeans blamed the United States for ‘exporting inflation’ to Europe – although it had little inflation to export. And the Bretton Woods System broke down, when, as now, the policy stance of the United States was seen to foretell a rapidly growing imbalance in its external accounts. Hence, we draw little comfort from the three authors’ extended analogy.
How, then, will the story end? There is no gold window to close and no way to negotiate general exchange-rate realignment like the short-lived realignment cobbled together in 1971. One can conceive of an orderly ending, involving a bargain among the key countries, but mainly a bargain between Beijing and Washington . But it is more likely to end in a disorderly way.
Let’s start with fundamentals. A large reduction of the US current-account deficit cannot be achieved without a further depreciation of the dollar. I’m not sure that I buy the big model-based number produced by Obstfeld and Rogoff (2004), which relies mainly on a single expenditure-switching effect – an increase in the price of tradable goods relative to nontradables. But the dollar must depreciate against the Chinese yuan and the other Asian currencies that are closely tied to it. There has also to be an increase of US national saving that can take two forms – an increase of private-sector saving by households or firms, or an increase of public-sector saving of a size that is unobtainable without higher taxes, given the fairly small size of nondefense discretionary spending.
This brings us, then, to the disorderly ending. There is, as yet, no evidence that foreign central banks are selling dollars, although there are lots of rumors. During 2003, in fact, the share of the dollar in total reserves, measured at constant exchange rates, rose by more than 2 percentage points, from 68.4 per cent of identifiable currency reserves to 71.7 percent. Put differently, the dollar accounted for 88.9 per cent of the total increase in currency reserves during 2003.
The problem I foresee, however, need not begin with a big shift by a very large holder of dollars. It is as likely to begin with diversification at the margin. Asian and other central banks will go on buying dollars in the foreign-exchange market in order to keep their currencies from appreciating. But they may then return to the foreign-exchange market to sell the dollars for euros. Should this practice spread, moreover, it will be hard for any prudent central bank to add to its dollar holdings, and some may begin to sell more dollars – to reduce their dollar holdings, not merely keep them from growing.
The economic implications are obvious. The euro will appreciate vis-à-vis the dollar, and US interest rates are bound to raise on account of the fall in the foreign demand for US government debt. The further effects are equally obvious, although we cannot know their size. The euro area will suffer deterioration in its trade balance, although the effect may be damped down by slower economic growth, which has been heavily export dependent. The United States may also experience slower economic growth, because of the increase in interest rates. But the size of that growth-depressing effect is apt to depend on the way that higher interest rates affect US housing prices. The increase of national saving that must somehow occur in order to reduce the US current-account deficit could indeed be furnished by the private sector, rather than the public sector, if a fall in housing prices led to a fall in household spending. But that would be a painful and inefficient way to reduce the US current-account deficit, and I’m not predicting it. I’m trying merely to describe an unpleasant possibility – the way in which a disorderly move to a multiple currency system might play itself out.
Our story would change, for example, if the European Central Bank began to intervene in the foreign-exchange market to hold down the dollar price of the euro – if it were willing to ‘print’ the euros demanded by other central banks. That would shortcircuit the painful process I have just described. The ECB might find it hard to sterilize the money-supply effects of large-scale intervention, but there are ways in which it can deal with that problem.
We conclude with two observations. Proposals of the sort I have just made would not obviate the need to reduce the US current-account deficit. There would still be the need for more dollar depreciation and for an increase of US national saving – a sharp cut in the budget deficit – to make room for the reduction in the current-account deficit. And the proposals are not meant to lengthen the life of the dollar as a reserve currency. They would, in fact, reduce its role substantially. But they would prevent the large appreciation of the euro that might otherwise occur. The two proposals differ, however, in one important way. The one involving the ECB would confer a reserve-currency role on the euro. The one involving the IMF would confer a reserve-currency role on the SDR – which is the better way to go, because it would preclude the possibility of subsequent destabilizing shifts between the dollar and the euro.
The role of capitalist corporate structures
The current crisis emerged from the workings of the capitalist class structure. Capitalism’s history displays repeated booms and busts punctuated by bubbles. Capitalism’s cycles range unpredictably from local, shallow and short to global, deep, and long. To keep capitalism is to suffer its chronic instability. To deal effectively with capitalism’s recurring crises requires changing to a non-capitalist class structure.
Since the mid-1970s, workers’ average real wages stopped rising. This was partly because capitalists’ computerization of production displaced workers. Capitalists also decided then to move more production to foreign countries for higher profits. Since employers thus needed fewer workers in the US , they could and did end the historic (1820-1970) rise of US wages.
However, workers’ productivity kept rising (more machines, more pressure, and more skills). They produced ever more for their employers to sell, yet the employers paid them no more. The surpluses extracted (exploited) by capitalist employers – the excess of the value added by each laborer over the value paid to that laborer – rose. The last 30 years realized capitalists’ wildest dreams. Yet, stagnant wages and booming surpluses also eventually plunged US capitalism into today’s severe crisis. Today’s major capitalists - corporate boards of directors – received most of those fast rising surpluses. How they distributed those surpluses shaped our history. One huge portion went for top executives’ payouts. Another portion increased dividends to corporations’ shareholders (who, after all, elect boards of directors). Still other portions financed the transfer of production abroad, enhanced computerization to reduce payrolls, and lobbying for favorable state actions (e.g., reducing corporate taxes and allowing more immigration to lower wages). Corporations deposited mounting surpluses in banks. Banks grew and invented new financial instruments to profit further from those surpluses. New instruments included securities such as “collateralized debt obligations” (comprised of mortgage, credit card, corporate, and student-loan debt); “credit default swaps” (deals to insure such new securities); and other “derivatives” for trading the risks of fast multiplying new credit instruments among those with the surpluses to invest. Because the new instruments operated completely outside existing regulations in a “shadow credit system” ever bigger risks were undertaken for ever bigger profits. Specialized enterprises such as hedge funds arose to invest rising corporate surpluses and exploding executive incomes in the murky shadows of high finance. Huge profits were made over the last 20 years, but the resulting capitalist exuberance once again overreached its limits.
The financial profits depended on the rising surpluses that depended on the stagnant wages. Financial profits also depended on the flip side of stagnant wages, namely massive worker borrowing. Because rising consumption had become the measure of personal success in life, wage stagnation since the 1970s rendered most US workers extraordinarily vulnerable to new consumer credit offers. Enter the banks relentlessly pushing credit cards, home equity loans, student loans, and so on. Workers undertook a record-breaking debt binge. The banks packaged that debt into new securities (the now infamous MBSs and CDOs) and sold them to all those seeking investments for their pieces of the soaring surpluses.
In effect, US capitalism thereby substituted rising loans for rising wages to workers. It took from them twice: first, the surplus their labor produced and second, the interest on the surpluses lent back to them. This double squeeze on workers was the foundation of the US boom from the 1970s to 2006.
Eventually, the rising costs of the double squeeze’s strangled the boom. Families’ rising indebtedness meant that illnesses, job loss, divorces now yielded the added tragedy of defaults on debts. Rising steadily and ominously across 2007, defaults on credit card debt, auto loans, student loans and mortgages took off in 2008. The new kinds of securities based on workers’ debts began to lose value in the markets. Banks, hedge funds, and others holding those securities faced mounting losses. Corporations that insured those securities via credit default swaps, etc., could not pay when so many securities’ values collapsed. Banks had used their depositors’ money and borrowed still more to buy such securities. Banks’ losses prevented repaying those loans or guaranteeing their depositors’ money. Financial markets froze as borrowers and lenders stopped trusting one another and drastically reduced transactions. Bust followed bubble followed boom, once again.
US corporate boards of directors had taken three interconnected steps to produce that sequence. They froze workers’ real wages, they extracted much more surplus from their rising productivity, and they distributed that rising surplus in ways that were cumulatively unsustainable. Irrational capitalist exuberance once again overreached its limits. The specifically capitalist system of producing and distributing surpluses proved itself yet again fundamentally crisis prone.
Had this capitalist system been replaced by another, say one in which the workers who produced the surpluses in each enterprise also functioned as the collective appropriator and distributor of those surpluses, US history since the 1970s would have differed greatly. Workers appropriating their own surplus would likely NOT have frozen their real wages (hence no exploding consumer debt). Workers who collectively appropriated their own surpluses would likely NOT have given immense new payouts to top managers. The distribution of personal income would thus NOT have become so unequal across the last thirty years. Workers appropriating their own surpluses would likely NOT have devoted huge portions of them to move their jobs overseas. And so on.
Of course, such a class structures would have its own, different contradictions and problems. Such a class structures would interact with political institutions in ways different from how capitalist class structures do. Gender equality, environmental sustainability, and many other issues would still need attention, but they would be dealt with very differently.
Thus the urgent questions are: Will responses to this latest capitalist crisis continue to ignore or deny the role of capitalism’s class structure? Will the crisis consequences of allowing capitalist boards of directors to appropriate and distribute surpluses go unrecognized? If so, the personal, political, economic and cultural losses inflicted by this latest capitalist crisis will fail to teach their key lesson: a genuine solution requires progress beyond the capitalist class structure
What is the solution?
It is argued that the present crisis is the result of regulatory failure to guard against excessive risk-taking in the financial system, especially in the US . It is further argued that "we must ensure it does not happen again". This is ironic indeed! For the past three decades the bourgeois economists and politicians argued precisely the opposite: that all regulations were bad for business and should be abolished (this was particularly advocated for the financial sector).
The demagogic declarations about the need to curb excessive bonuses and regulate boardroom pay are just so much hot air. How are these miracles to be performed? By what mechanism? The bankers have a thousand ways of evading regulation. They keep off-the-books accounts that make it all but impossible for regulators to discover their fraudulent activities. Even the US government uses similar tricks to disguise the real dimensions of its budget deficit.
The argument in favour of regulating the stock markets is absurd, as was the decision to ban (temporarily) the practice of "selling short". In order that the markets can function, it is necessary for people to buy and sell shares, and they must do so on the basis of estimating whether the share price is going to rise or fall. The idea that it is permissible to buy shares only when they are rising is clearly an absurdity.
The credit rating agencies were supposed to distinguish good credit from bad, rated securitized mortgage packages without looking at the weaknesses of underlying mortgages. Similarly, purchasers of American debt issued by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac cheerfully assumed that the US government guaranteed it. The result is that the US taxpayer now stands behind more than $5,000bn in mortgages and it is too soon to say what the final bill will be.
The conclusion is quite clear. Either we have a free market based on the pursuit of profit, or we have a nationalized planned economy. But "regulated capitalism" is a contradiction in terms. In another article, The Financial Times puts the question far more clearly:
"No matter what hare-brained ideas politicians come up with to curb controversial pay packets, bright minds in finance will find a way round them or exit the regulated part of the industry."
What is necessary is to abolish these grotesque casinos that decide the fates of millions altogether and replace capitalist anarchy with a rational society based on a planned economy. It is said that the measures taken by Bush and Brown represent nationalization. But these measures have nothing in common with the socialist idea of nationalization. They are not intended to remove economic power from the hands of the wealthy parasites that constitute a monstrous burden on society and an obstacle in the path of progress. On the contrary, they represent an attempt to protect the interest of these parasites by giving them vast subsidies, paid for out of the pockets of the working class and the middle class.
Socialists are radically opposed to these policies, which have nothing in common with genuine nationalization and are only a kind of state capitalism, intended to safeguard the capitalist system. They lead inevitably to an increase in monopolization, mass sackings, bank closures, higher mortgages and other anti-working class measures. The bankers are rewarded for their nefarious activities by the state, which buys up all their losses, then spends further vast amounts of the taxpayer's money to make them profitable, and when this has been done, to sell them back to the bankers, who from this will make a double killing at the expense of society. Then they can resume their speculating and thieving all over again.
What is necessary is to take the commanding heights of the economy out of private hands, by nationalizing the banks and insurance companies and big companies with minimum compensation on the basis of proven need only. Only when the productive forces are in the hands of society, will it be possible to establish a rational socialist plan of production, where decisions are taken in the interests of society, not of a handful of wealthy parasites and speculators.
That is the fundamental aim of socialism. It is an idea that will now be understood and welcomed by millions of people who previously regarded it as it as something strange and alien. The people demonstrating on the streets of New York against the Bush Plan were not socialists. Twelve months ago they would probably still have been defenders of the free market. They have never read Marx and doubtless see themselves as patriotic Americans. But life teaches and in situations like this people learn more in a few days than in a lifetime. The working people of the United States are learning fast. And, as Victor Hugo once said: "No army is so powerful as an idea whose time has come."
The real solution of this problem and how it will work
First, the dominance globally what has loosely come to be called the neo-liberal order? In monetary terms, the period from the 1980s has seen the rise of financial liberalization, increased and often times unfettered capital flows and simultaneously, the increasing incidence and amplitude of global financial instability. The Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-1998, the collapse or near collapse of the economies of Mexico (1995), Russia (1998), Turkey (2001) and Argentina (2002), among others are but symptoms of the same phenomenon.
Secondly, the last twenty years or so have been a particularly tempestuous time for Islamic countries. Images and experiences - both personal and professional - come readily to mind: the Iranian revolution, the Iranian-Iraqi War, the Gulf War, the windfall gains of oil against a sea of poverty in other Muslim nations, the "Resurgence of Islam", the persecution of Muslims in places as diverse as Bosnia, Rohingya, Chechnya, Palestine and others through to the tragic events of September 11th. These are images that are full of contradiction, of pain and of irony. Interestingly, many commentators have traced the rise of the neo-liberal order to the unilateral withdrawal from the Gold Standard by the Nixon administration in 1971. This effectively allowed the United States to finance decades of fiscal and corporate indiscipline, the costs of the Vietnam War and oil price shocks by the issuance of Treasury debt that has by and large fuelled the build up in global liquidity. This, together with the confluence of several factors, has shaped the global monetary system as we know it today, including the rise of the Financial Liberalization and Monetarism of McKinnon & Shaw and Friedman, respectively, the coming to power of wantonly pro-market politicians on both sides of the Atlantic, the dominance of the Washington Consensus consisting of the US Treasury Department, the IMF and the World Bank, and the emergence of the global Wall Street complex with its heady concoction of huge capital flows executed in nano-second real time, with the added steroids of hedge funds and multiple derivative instruments.
The developing countries must also be vigilant and active in formulating multilateral trade rules. Developing countries have now found that the rules drawn up in the WTO are sometimes biased in favor of the rich countries, and negatively affect the interests of developing countries. The TRIMS (trade related investment measures) agreement prohibits governments from having local content policy (i.e. requiring that certain projects or industries make use of a minimum level of local materials). The TRIPS (trade related intellectual property rights) agreement makes technology transfer to local firms more costly, and the prices of patented products such as medicines have become prohibitive. The rich countries seem to be fond of putting many issues and rules in the WTO because it has a strong enforcement mechanism. Countries that do not comply can be taken to the dispute settlement mechanism, which may force them to change their national policies or face trade sanctions. Thus, WTO rules can be used unfairly as a powerful tool to discipline developing countries.
The rich countries are now attempting to introduce yet more issues into the WTO. They are proposing negotiations to start on new agreements on investment, competition policy and transparency in government procurement. The common aim of these proposed agreements appears to be to grant maximum rights of entry and operation to foreign firms, their products and services, and to reduce the rights of countries to regulate these firms. Therefore, governments, the private sector and the civil societies in developing countries must pay close attention to what is happening in the WTO and take a very active part in putting forward our views and positions, so that new issues that are detrimental to our interests are not injected into the WTO system.
The careful and proper management of the forces of globalization, and the democratic governance of global institutions like the IMF, the World Bank, the WTO and the UN, are critical goals for developing countries to attain, if we are to survive and prosper in the years ahead.
Many of the weak nations in the world today are Muslim nations. While there is much wrong with the global system, in the spirit of muhassabah, we must also recognize that there is also at least as much that is not right with ourselves too. For a start, we should note that some of the most capital surplus countries and some of the most capital deficit nations are both Islamic countries. While unfettered capital flows have contributed greatly to the instability of the global financial system, there is much that we can do to intermediate capital between Islamic countries in an orderly and brotherly fashion, from basic development finance (including infrastructure finance) to venture capital, trade financing and capital market activity. The raising of living standards of other Islamic countries would, over time, create markets for us to trade in a recurring and mutually beneficial fashion. It is important for the Muslim ummah in general and the Muslim intellectuals in particular to keep questioning conventional wisdom in our effort to create a more just and equitable system. We cannot afford to be complacent and treat the status quo as a given.
Need to accelerate trade
Among the lessons to be learnt from two decades of financial crises and an unstable and less than just global monetary system is that trade between countries need to be accelerated ahead of the liberalisation of financial flows. Here, Islamic countries are in a unique position to trade with each other in both goods and services. We are blessed with much of the world's natural resources and among the ummah there is enough expertise - albeit fragmented currently - to turn this into value-added finished goods. In services, we should exchange our experiences and intellectual and human capital - in education, in the professional services and in tourism, among others - so that we can prosper together. For the non-Muslim world, as much it is for the Muslim world, it is in mankind's own interest that the disenfranchised among us be given a stake in this world as well as the next. I believe that wars, disease, migration and terrorism, and many other trials of our times, are but symptoms of a deeper malaise of poverty and disenfranchisement. In this regard, we are reminded of a beautiful hadith compiled in Sahih Bukhari Volume 3, Book 44, Number 673 Narrated An-Nu'man bin Bashir:
The Prophet s.a.w. said,
The Prophet s.a.w. said,
"The example of the person abiding by Allah's order and restrictions in comparison to those who violate them is like the example of those persons who drew lots for their seats in a boat. Some of them got seats in the upper part, and the others in the lower. When the latter needed water, they had to go up to bring water (and that troubled the others), so they said, 'Let us make a hole in our share of the ship (and get water) saving those who are above us from troubling them. So, if the people in the upper part left the others to do what they had suggested, all the people of the ship would be destroyed, but if they prevented them, both parties would be safe."
Restated, this is of course a classic collective action situation and a powerful reminder of our need to live together and to assist each other. Trading with each other is one important way that we are enjoined, indeed commanded, to help each other. In this context, I believe that the gold dinar could be an important facilitating mechanism to simultaneously increase trade among Muslim nations and to provide alternative and parallel solutions to move away from an inherently unstable and ultimately unjust global monetary system by anchoring our financial settlements in a finite, stable and enduring medium that is gold. What then is the purpose of the gold dinar? I believe that one of the important roles that the gold dinar can play is in encouraging the freedom of trade by acting as a universally accepted medium of exchange. And by encouraging trade between Muslims, it encourages cooperation between Muslims from both a financial and economic perspective. In Islamic history, we have seen that trade not only united Muslims, it was also a very important means of spreading Islam. It was perhaps no accident that the Holy Prophet s.a.w. was born in Makkah, a major center of trade in the Arabian Peninsula at that time. When Islam took root in the Arabian Peninsular, trade was the main vehicle for dakwah activities for the spread of Islam from Andalusia in Spain to the Cape of Good Hope in Africa and to the Malay Peninsula . It is fact that the volume of trade among Islamic countries, before the Western colonization began, was at a very healthy level.
. It was through traders that Yathrib learnt of the new faith called Islam, thereby opening the way for the Hjira and establishment of Medina . During the Caliphate era, apart from conquered lands, Islam was spread by the good words of the traders, or by mubalighs that the traders brought with them. So strong was the bond between trade and Islam that when the Ming emperor of China wanted to establish trading relations with this region, he sent a Muslim, Admiral Muhammad Cheng Ho, to open the way. . In short, in the past, although at a political and strategic level, having a central Caliphate was a point of unity for the Muslims, on an everyday and business level, trade formed the bonds of unity between Muslim communities. And the backbone behind the ease and continuance of trade was a common currency, based on gold and silver, the dinar and dirham. Thus, today, although many people may associate the lack of political unity with the lack of unity among the Muslim communities, one may also point out that the lack of unity among the Muslim communities can also be traced back to the fact that we have stopped trading with each other as much as we used to during the zenith of our Muslim civilization.
As a result of the hurdles left by our colonial invaders and masters, we find ourselves today trading through Europe or through some third non-Muslim country. The continued dependence of the Islamic countries on the West is illustrated by the following:-
(i) The intra OIC trade is only 12% of the total trade of the OIC countries. In other words, the trade of the OIC countries with the non-OIC countries is 8 times the size of the intra-OIC trade.
(ii) The total volume of the OIC countries is only 7% of the total international trade, although 60% of the natural resources of the world are found in the OIC countries.
(iii) Lebonan and Turnkey export butter to Belgium , the United Kingdom and some other European countries, while Iran , Pakistan and Syria import butter from Europe .
(iv) Egypt is a big export of textile, but Algeria , Indonesia and Iran purchase textile from Europe .
What is the role of the gold dinar?
The proposed gold dinar will not replace the domestic currencies. The domestic currencies (e.g. Ringgit) will continue to be used for domestic transactions in the respective countries. The gold dinar will be used only for external trade among the participating countries. Initially, the gold dinar will not exist in physical form. It will merely be defined in terms of gold. For example, if one gold dinar is equivalent to one ounce of gold, and the price of one ounce of gold is today at US $290, then the value of one gold dinar will be US$290 or equivalent in other currencies, on the basis of the prevailing exchange rates. The actual settlement for trade can be by way of the transfer of equivalent amount of gold. It will not be a physical transfer of gold from one country to another, but a transfer of beneficial ownership in the gold custodian's account. Where it is not possible to transfer the gold, payment can be made by way of an equivalent amount in other acceptable currencies, but this should be the exception rather than the rule.
How will the gold dinar be used?
The gold dinar will be used, initially, for settlement of trade on the basis of bilateral payment arrangements (BPAs). Eventually the BPAs will be converted into a multilateral payments arrangement (MPA), with the participation of as many countries as possible. The following is an illustration of how these arrangements work:-
Bilateral Payment Arrangement (BPA)
· Two countries, say Malaysia and Saudi Arabia , sign a bilateral payments arrangement, under which trade balances will be settled every 3 months.
·The trade will be denominated in gold dinar.
· The value of one gold dinar is defined, say, as one ounce of gold.
· The Malaysian exporters will be paid in Ringgit by Bank NegaraMalaysia on the due date of exports, based at the Ringgit/gold dinar exchange rate prevailing at the time of the export. Similarly, the importers will pay Bank Negara the Ringgit equivalent of their imports.
· The Saudi Central Bank will do the same for its exports and imports.
· Say, at the end of the 3 months cycle ending on March 31, the total exports fromMalaysia to Saudi Arabia is 2 million gold dinar and the total exports of Saudi Arabia to Malaysia is 1.8 million gold dinar.
· Therefore, for that particular 3 months cycle ending on March 31, the Saudi Central Bank will pay Bank Negara 0.2 million gold dinar. The actual payment can be by way of the Saudi Central Bank transferring 0.2 million ounce of gold in its custodian's account, in the Bank of England in London, to Bank Negara's account with the same custodian. The important point to note here is that, under this mechanism, a relatively small amount of 0.2 million gold dinar is able to support a total trade value of 3.8 million gold dinar. In other words, we optimize on the use of foreign exchange. Even countries that do not have a large amount of foreign exchange reserves can participate significantly in international trade under this mechanism.
·The trade will be denominated in gold dinar.
· The value of one gold dinar is defined, say, as one ounce of gold.
· The Malaysian exporters will be paid in Ringgit by Bank Negara
· The Saudi Central Bank will do the same for its exports and imports.
· Say, at the end of the 3 months cycle ending on March 31, the total exports from
· Therefore, for that particular 3 months cycle ending on March 31, the Saudi Central Bank will pay Bank Negara 0.2 million gold dinar. The actual payment can be by way of the Saudi Central Bank transferring 0.2 million ounce of gold in its custodian's account, in the Bank of England in London, to Bank Negara's account with the same custodian. The important point to note here is that, under this mechanism, a relatively small amount of 0.2 million gold dinar is able to support a total trade value of 3.8 million gold dinar. In other words, we optimize on the use of foreign exchange. Even countries that do not have a large amount of foreign exchange reserves can participate significantly in international trade under this mechanism.
The summarise, we have spent a good part of the last two decades in establishing Islamic financial systems in our respective countries. we believe the time is now right to complete or complement the domestic systems with an international system - a system that will allow each Muslim country to reach out to one another and strengthen the level of trade - a system that will also allow the ummah to use its collective surpluses to fund each other, and help each other grow.
Bibliography
1.http://www2.treasury.gov.my/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=878%3Ainternational-islamic-university-malaysia-2002-international-conference-on-stable-and-just-global-monetary-system&catid=53%3Aucapan&Itemid=251&lang=my
8. www.cia.org
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